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Poland, formally the Kingdom of Poland (Polish: Królestwo Polskie) is a nation in Eastern Europe. It borders the German Empire to the west and north, Galicia-Lodomeria to the south, and Lithuania and Ukraine to the east.
The current kingdom was formed out of the formerly-Russian territory known as Congress Poland when it was occupied by the Central Powers during the Weltkrieg. Despite Austrian attempts to unite it with their Galician territory, Germany gained the upper hand and formed the Kingdom of Poland as a constitutional monarchy under the rule of King August IV, the Kaiser’s fourth son.
History[]
Poland in the Weltkrieg[]
After more than a century of foreign domination, the Polish nation suddenly found itself in turmoil as it became the center point of the Eastern Front between Russia on one side and Germany and Austria-Hungary on the other. This provided a conundrum for Polish nationalists, as all three empires contained Polish minorities, and it was not immediately clear which side would be more likely to support a future Polish state. Józef Piłsudski created the Polish Legions in Galicia, offering his support to the Central Powers. Meanwhile, Roman Dmowski, leader of the National Democracy movement (Endecja), lodged his support with Russia and the Entente.
For the time being, however, Poland’s future would be decided by the belligerent great powers. In the late spring of 1915, the Gorlice–Tarnów offensive saw the Russian lines in central Poland collapse. Within weeks, all of Congress Poland was occupied by the Central Powers as the Russian Army retreated east. The territory was divided between the German occupation zone, headquartered in Warsaw, and the Austrian occupation zone, headquartered in Lublin. The differing objectives of the two allies quickly came to the forefront. The egregious demands for territorial annexations made by German ultranationalists at the beginning of the war were increasingly recognized as impractical, but the Germans still had clear intentions to bring Poland within its orbit. Austria had a similar ambition, and several different “Austro-Polish solutions” were devised to achieve this, including a proposal to make Poland a constituent of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. However, as the war dragged on and Austrian weakness became all the more apparent, Germany’s ability to dominate Poland grew.
With the Central Powers struggling in 1916 thanks to Entente resistance at Verdun and the Italian Front, the German high command grew increasingly warm to the idea of establishing some kind of Polish state, hoping that the gesture would allow them to create a Polish army to be used against Russia. Towards the end of the year, Governor-General of Warsaw von Beseler issued the Act of 5th November, proclaiming that Germany and Austria would commit themselves to creating a Polish state from the territory of Congress Poland. A provisional Council of State was created for the soon-to-be Kingdom of Poland. Pilsudski was given leadership of military matters, and work began to turn the Polish Legions into a proper Polish army.
Though the formation of a Polish state came closer and closer to reality, it became equally apparent the extent to which it would be a German puppet. In July of 1917 the Polish Legions were asked to swear a new oath to the Kingdom of Poland, including a yet-unchosen king, as well as Germany and Austria. Pilsudski and the great majority of the legionnaires refused. For this, Pilsudski and the senior officers were imprisoned; Germany’s hopes for a loyal Polish army were dashed for the time being. Nevertheless, plans to establish the Kingdom of Poland carried on, with a new Regency Council succeeding the Council of State and a provisional constitution drafted.
An end to war and regency[]
In 1918 the beginning of the Russian Civil War marked a new phase on the Eastern Front. When the Central Powers signed the Brotfrieden with Ukraine in February, they were met with anger from the Polish population as the occupiers had abrogated their former promises to return Chelm, then under the administration of Ukraine, made earlier in the war. With Polish territory devastated by the war and the fallout of the Oath Crisis lingering, the mood of the populace became increasingly restive. The Regency Council created a new Council of State as a provisional representative body of 110 seats: 55 of them elected by district and city councils, 43 appointed by the Regency, and 12 ex officio. Ahead of elections, two political blocs formed: the National Electoral Committee, formed by “Activist” politicians willing to cooperate with the Central Powers, and the Interpartisan Political Circle (MKP) made up of “Passivists'' who's sympathies largely lay with the Entente. After the election in April, 37 of the elective seats were won by the MKP.
For the rest of the year, the Regency Council spent most of its efforts asserting its authority and independence as much as possible without attracting the ire of the occupiers. By November, as the Germans focused on their preparations for their Spring Offensive and István Burián returned as Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, the Council found themselves in a good position to make headway on finally solving the Polish Question. The Germans wanted to limit potential distractions in the east, while Burián would not insist on an Austro-Polish Solution, largely conceding to German demands. However, when the Regency announced the formation of a Constituent Sejm to decide on a constitution, it was met with sharp criticism. The left, especially the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), had been largely left out in the process and a general strike was launched, to the effect that several concessions were extracted before the situation calmed down.
On January 9th, 1919, the final agreement was signed at Spa settling the terms of Poland's borders, the election of the King, and the gradual transfer of authority to the Polish state. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland would be adopted on February 20th. The constitution largely drew influence from its German counterpart, being a mix of progressive democratic and reactionary monarchist ideals. It established a bicameral legislature, with the Council of State becoming known as the Senate, and the Sejm, elected by universal male suffrage, forming the lower house. The future king was granted significant powers from the appointment of the prime minister to veto powers over legislation.
The initial news of the new constitution and the final agreement with Poland's occupiers was poorly received by the Polish populace. Only the daily reports of Entente setbacks and Bolshevik victories kept the situation under control, as it became clear that the current government was indeed Poland's best hope, and that cooperation with the Central Powers would ensure that, they remained faithful to their promises.
Different proposals for the borders pf the Polish Border Strip during WWI
By October, local authority was finally returned to the Poles, and the Regency Council made their decision on Poland's new king. In the end, the Austro-Hungarians gave in to German pressure as the latter made thinly-veiled threats as to the consequences of the Regency choosing to elect the Austro-Hungarian Emperor. Archduke Karl Stephan, another Habsburg candidate, was also unwilling to lead a German puppet state, and forbidden by the Emperor to accept any offer of the crown. Therefore, the Regency settled on the choice that would invoke the most goodwill from Berlin: Kaiser Wilhelm's fourth son August "Auwi" Wilhelm. It was announced to indifferent crowds that Poland would henceforth be "An Independent, Sovereign Nation ruled by King August IV". In return, the Germans retroceded the nebulously defined border strip and the Chelm province, something they had promised to do essentially as a bribe if the Regency Council would elect the otherwise unpopular August Wilhelm. Soon after, command of the Polish Royal Army was transferred to the king, and the Generalgouvernements of Warsaw and Lublin were dissolved. German influence remained with the King's Privy Council, his Senate appointments, and the remaining German military mission. Austrian influence, while reduced, remained through the League of Polish Statehood, its embassy in Warsaw, and the consulate in Lublin. Peace and law returned to Poland through the disarmament and crushing of Polish rebels who refused to hand over their arms, and the pardoning of those who took up positions in the new Royal Army.
Beginnings of the Polish state[]
The beginning of the Kingdom of Poland did not inspire great enthusiasm. Many Polish nationalists were bitterly disappointed. The much hoped-for inclusion of at least parts of Galicia had failed to materialize as Austro-German relations soured, and republicans had to swallow the bitter pill of living under a foreign monarch, and the Kaiser’s son at that. Prominent leaders, such as Pilsudski, remained imprisoned or exiled. With the war finally over, the country remained in the grip of devastation and recession. Though Poland’s reliance on the German’s for its economic recovery was beyond doubt, it was equally clear that most Poles continued to resent it.
The first Sejm election in 1920 reflected the new status quo. While the PPS boycotted them as a sham, the Sejm's composition was largely progressive despite a pro-government conservative plurality. As the "Activist" and "Passivist" distinction became increasingly irrelevant after 1918, the two original factions of the regency era had folded into the Interpartisan Political Circle as a pro-government, szlachta (the traditional Polish nobility)-dominated conservative coalition against an unofficial reformist bloc in the Sejm. One of the largest parties, the Christian-Democratic Party or "Chadecja", broke away from the Circle, but their opposition in the Sejm proved mild after a coalition with the People's Party (PSL) failed to materialise. Chadecja was willing to work with their former friends in the MKP so long as the king showed willingness to work within democratic institutions.
The postwar railroad boom benefited Poland immensely as its location made it the natural transport hub of the Oststaaten and light industry began to grow in the big cities. Economic ties with Galicia also deepened, even as the crownland continued to harbour Austrophile Poles who were radically opposed to the monarchy. After their absence from the first mandate of the Sejm, the PPS abandoned their boycott and announced they would participate in the next election, realizing the Kingdom would not collapse as anticipated and that they would be needed in the Sejm to represent the working class and push for further reforms. The result was an even more divided parliament. At the same time, the centre-right further asserted itself by forming the Christian Union of National Unity, "Chjena", which included Chadecja and more reform-minded breakaways from the Circle. As a result, Jan Kucharzewski, a former National Democrat in the Circle, returned to form a new government with a wide coalition of conservative, Christian-democrat and peasant delegates.
The peace and growth returning to Poland meant the government had the opportunity to attempt land reform; however, the need to keep the support of the szlachta in parliament stifled this initiative and the pace of reform could not keep up with the growing population. In 1925, after significant pressure from the Sejm, Pilsudski was released and moved to house arrest in Warsaw, where he was carefully watched for signs of contact with republicans. Inflation also became an issue as the state had printed significant amounts of money to fund the suppression of the rebels in the early days of the kingdom, and now had resorted to printing more Polish marka in order to fund reconstruction and agricultural reform. With the currency spiraling out of control, August IV dismissed Kucharzewski and appointed another National Democracy defector, Feliks Młynarski, as prime minister.
Młynarski embarked on an ambitious programme of currency reform, founding the Bank of Poland and, after brief negotiations with Germany, replacing the marka with the newly revived złoty. The new currency was well-received within Poland and abroad, with Germany content to allow the degree of economic independence Austria desired of Poland in order to avoid economic troubles harming their eastern investments. During this time as well, General von Beseler, ever a controversial figure within Poland, agreed with August IV to retire and give up his position as the head of the German military mission to Wolfgang von Kries. As the marriage between the monarchy and the Polish right deepened, the Młynarski government revived the National Democracy project of Polonisation, mainly aimed at Jews and the areas with a Ukranian minority around Chelm. While Germans were largely exempted from the anti-minority policies of the Polish government to avoid drawing the ire of Berlin, the policy would see the use of Yiddish clamped down upon in cities and schools, even in synagogues in some areas. While this gained the approval of Polish nationalists, especially from the National Democrats still remaining, it also gained the ire of many progressives and leftists, who began to cooperate more closely in the Sejm against the growing influence of Endecja in the government.
Recession, recuperation and crisis[]
In 1931 the near decade of peace would be rocked by the Creditanstalt Crisis in Austria, which sent shockwaves through the whole Austrian Empire and into Poland, where a decline in new railroad contracts and the bank failure meant a brief recession. In desperation to prevent the recession turning into a depression then, fresh elections were called and the king’s ministers were compelled to accept a broad coalition consisting of Chjena, the People’s Party, and the social democratic moderates from the Polish Socialist Party, excluding the Interpartisan Political Circle for the first time. Tomasz Nocznicki, leader of the PSL and participant in the old Council of State, became prime minister. While the nobility was alarmed, their influence over the Sejm had been steadily declining since the end of the Regency, and there were secret hopes among some Poles that the old party of the now-retired and officially apolitical Pilsudski would be able to bring about the abolition of the monarchy, or at least greater autonomy in foreign affairs. These hopes were dashed however, as the PPS’ ministers in the new government took the pragmatic course of instead cooperating with the king. Their leader, Norbert Barlicki, saw the German SPD and their support of the monarchy as a model for Poland.
The new coalition embarked upon an ambitious etatist project inspired by the economics of Michał Kalecki and Edward Lipiński, two of Poland’s most prominent economists. The new Minister of Economy Władysław Kosieradzki, allied with his brother Paweł as Minister of Agriculture, initiated and gained royal assent for a massive industrial investment plan, to be funded by huge borrowing from both the Bank of Poland and from Germany. Approximately a billion złoty were allocated to the Polish Industrial Plan and spent developing heavy industry to supplement Poland’s light consumer goods industries. Areas of high unemployment received huge investment, new steel mills were constructed, an enormous automobile factory was built in Lublin, roads and canals were dug to improve transport, and new cities were founded almost overnight.
Socially, the coalition was no less ambitious. All the parties in the coalition agreed on the end of Polonisation to the ire of the nobility and the far right. This won huge support from Polish Jews however. Unemployment insurance and child benefits were brought in as well, to help ease issues caused by Poland’s population boom as Poles from the border regions immigrated to seek work in Poland during the four year plan. Censorship of the press was scaled back and books and cinema that glorified Poland’s independent history grew more common and popular.
In the end, Poland's Four Year Plan would see her economic woes recede and her economic miracle be hailed as a great success. Not popular, however, was the immense level of state debt, and in 1934 as the plan was coming to an end, the National Alliance began to fragment. As relations with the Commune of France worsened, distrust of leftist economists like Lipiński began to intensify, and another attempt at land reform would rouse the ire of the great magnates that still ruled the countryside. With the support of the Christian Democrats, the King dissolved the Sejm and called for fresh elections, declaring the coalition to have “served its purpose”.
The subsequent Sejm election later that year was marred with increased polarization followed by the return of the MKP to power. The King appointed Antoni Ponikowski as prime minister, who formed another coalition government with Chjena. In response to their controversial ousting, the People’s Party and the Polish Socialist Party organized the Union for Defence of Law and Freedom of People, usually known as Centrolew, as a political bloc to oppose the Circle’s contentious government. Nevertheless, Centrolew could not secure a majority in the Sejm, but their position threatened the stability of the government should the Circle fail to maintain their alliance with the Christian-Democrats.
As the political situation grew increasingly fragile, the next year saw the death of Józef Piłsudski. While long retired and officially apolitical, the death of the venerable leader of the Legions saw a public outpouring of sympathy coupled with intensified criticism of the government and German influence in the country, which the King inevitably symbolized. This exposed a weakness that the royal government had been cognizant for a while, but had been able to ignore as a result of economic prosperity and the threat of German invasion: the King, despite his best efforts, was not actually very popular at all. While accepted at first for his distance in political matters, had lost considerable goodwill among his adoptive subjects after ousting Nocznicki’s cabinet.
Politics[]
Administrative Map of Poland 1936
The Kingdom of Poland is a constitutional monarchy. The legislature is bicameral, with the upper house known as the Senate and the lower house known as the Sejm. Elections are conducted under universal male suffrage.
The monarch is advised by a privy council, known as the Geheimrat after its German equivalent, composed of appointed German, Polish, and Austrian elites. The king also possesses the ability to appoint and remove the prime minister, as well as a royal veto over any legislation. Though by precedent the king does not use these powers very frequently, their very existence is a matter of continued controversy.
Political parties[]
Miedzypartyjne Koło Polityczne (MKP; Interpartisan Political Circle) - A centre-right alliance of liberal, conservative, and moderate Endecja parties. With roots in the regency years, the MKP became the main pro-German political bloc and has governed the country for most of the postwar period. Currently in government.
- Democratic-National Party (SD-N) - A moderate Endecja party
- Party of Real Politics (SPR) - An elitist, conservative-liberal party
- Polish Progressive Party (PPP) - A bourgeois, conservative-liberal party
- Party of Polish Statehood (SP) - A conservative, pro-German party
Związek Obrony Prawa i Wolności Ludu (Union for Defence of the Law and Freedom of People)/Centrolew - The main left-wing bloc and main opposition grouping in the Sejm. Formed in 1934 after the king’s dismissal of the Nocznicki government. It is dominated by two parties:
- Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (PPS; Polish Socialist Party) - Founded by Polish exiles in Paris in 1892, the PPS was once one of the largest pro-independence organizations, attracting progressive nationalists like Piłsudski before they split of in 1906. Still, the PPS remained the largest single party up to the present day, though its leftist orientation often saw it locked out of power due to German influence. The PPS encompasses most of the Polish left, from moderates who look to the German SDP for inspiration, to radicals associated with the far-left Revolutionary Committee in Paris.
- Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL; Polish People's Party) - A somewhat eclectic party, mostly united by agrarianism but also containing liberal, populist, and republican currents. It actually originated in Galicia in the late 19th century and continues to maintain strong ties with its sister party in Lwów.
Chrześcijański Związek Jedności Narodowej (ChZJN; Christian Union of National Unity) - Chjena, as it is usually known, came into existence when the Christian Democratic Party “Chadecja” formed a coalition several small Endecja parties that left the MKP in the early 1920s. Since then, Chjena has participated in multiple governments, its right-wing and Catholic identity drawing it closer to the MKP, while its pro-independence nature finding common cause with Centrolew.
Military[]
The origins of the Royal Polish Army lie in the Polish Legions that were raised by volunteers to fight for the Central Powers against Russia during the Weltkrieg. The legions were increasingly brought under German control in anticipation of the establishment of the Polish state; however, the Oath Crisis led to much of the officer corps being imprisoned and most of the units being sent to the Austrian Army. The remaining forces were folded into the Polish Auxiliary Corps, which became the Polnische Wehrmacht in 1918.
The German military mission holds a great deal of influence over the Polnische Wehrmacht. Unruly officers and untested equipment that are less-favored by the Heer are commonly seconded to Warsaw, to the point that Poland has become a bit of an epicenter for experimental equipment and new ideas. The Polnische Wehrmacht has therefore gained a reputation as a small but advanced force, often called “Germany’s Eastern Bulwark”.
Economy[]
The territory that would become the Kingdom of Poland was, by the end of the nineteenth century, the most industrialized region in the Russian Empire, even if it could not compare to the more advanced economies of Western Europe. Nonetheless, Poland’s economy was still predominantly agrarian prior to the Weltkrieg. The war brought significant devastation, both from the fighting itself and also from the British blockade which restricted foreign trade. The war’s end and the political stabilization that followed allowed for some recovery, and Germany’s investments in railways to connect with its new eastern satellites helped considerably.
As part of Mitteleuropa, Poland was opened to German investment and trade, leading to the growth of light industry. The first tentative steps towards economic independence began with the founding of the Bank of Poland. However, the major shift came in 1931 when the PPS-PSL-Chjena government came to power and instituted the ambitious Four Year Plan. The government invested directly in the development of heavy industry and the growth of new urban centres for the burgeoning population. The plan is generally considered a success, though it has greatly contributed to Poland’s large amount of state debt.
Despite great strides in industrialization, Poland’s economy remains substantially agrarian. Attempts from various governments to implement land reform have fallen through due to the political power of the landowning class in addition to German disapproval of radical action. With Poland experiencing rapid population growth since the end of the war, the lack of available land has caused the surplus population to flock to the cities for work.
Foreign relations[]
Poland is thoroughly within Germany’s sphere of influence, being a member of the Reichspakt and the Mitteleuropa. Germans make up a large portion of the king’s Privy Council, and the German military mission in Warsaw exercises considerable oversight over the Polish military. German businesses control a significant portion of the Polish economy. By necessity, Poland has strong relations with the other Oststaaten as well, though its relationship with Lithuania is complicated by the latter’s attitude towards its large Polish minority.
Despite not being part of the German bloc, Austria-Hungary also enjoys a very close relationship with Poland. Though their plans to bring Poland within their orbit during the Weltkrieg ended in failure, the Austrians were nonetheless able to extend their influence in the postwar era. Austrian control over the Polish economy is substantial and second only to the Germans’. The crownland of Galicia contains a huge Polish population and harbours many republican Polish dissidents thanks to Austria’s more liberal laws.
Exiled movements[]
The National Committee was formed during the Weltkrieg by the leader of the National Democrats Roman Dmowski. It supported Russia and the Entente against the Central Powers, even briefly being recognized as the Polish government-in-exile by the French Republic. However, the Entente’s declining fortunes saw its influence fade, and many moderate Endecjists reconciled with the Kingdom of Poland. The remaining radically anti-German faction has maintained the committee ever since, centered around Dmowski in Moscow.
As the far-left is suppressed in Poland, many syndicalists, anarchists, and other radical socialists have fled to the Commune of France where they may operate openly. There the Polish exiles have formed the Revolutionary Committee, which is made up mostly by the Związek Związków Zawodowych (Union of Trade Unions), a big-tent labour federation.
Culture[]
The Kingdom of Poland is, obviously, inhabited primarily by ethnic Poles, though large Polish populations exist outside the country in neighboring parts of Galicia, Lithuania, Germany and Ukraine. Poland has a large, mostly Yiddish-speaking Jewish population, as well as smaller minorities of Germans in the west and Ukrainians in the east. The minority issue has been somewhat controversial as some right-wing governments have pursued policies of Polonization (though ethnic Germans, due to the influence of Germany, have been exempt from these measures).
Censorship of the press has been gradually scaled back. As a result books and cinema that glorified Poland’s independent history grew more common and popular.