The Melbourne Riots, sometimes called the Cup Riots, or the Melbourne Commune, were a period of social unrest in the City of Melbourne, Australia, in 1923. Beginning on the 31st of October with a police strike, and peaking on the eve of the 1923 Melbourne Cup on the 6th of November, the violence is regarded as a key reason the Consolidation of Resources act passed a year later, and the recall of the China Station to Australia in 1925.
The Police Strike[]
The strike started late on Wednesday night 31 October 1923 – the eve of Melbourne's Spring Racing Carnival – when a squad of 29 constables at Russell Street Police Headquarters refused to go on duty, citing the continued use of spies by management. The Victoria Police force at the time was understaffed and poorly paid in comparison to other state police forces. It also lacked an industry pension, with the government continually deferring promises on the introduction of such a program.
The wildcat strike caught both the Police Association (TPAV) and the Victoria Trades Hall Council off guard. The Police Association soon moved to mediate, but abruptly reversed course when a collection of purportedly French syndicalist propaganda was found near the town hall. Unaware of the discovery, the Trades Hall Council offered to mediate instead, but was met by seething condemnation when the news became public the next day.
During the afternoon of the 1st of November, the striking policemen led by Constable William Brooks met with the Premier Harry Lawson to put forward their demands. Ignoring their requests, on the advice of Chief Commissioner Nicholson, Premier Lawson demanded they return to work. Later that night, the Chief Commissioner made a final offer to the striking police to return to work against the advice of TPAV who suggested the strikers harbored syndicalist sympathies. When the men refused they were all fired on the spot.
Early Tensions[]
Police charging at rioters along Bourke street (November 1st 1923)
After the dismissal of more than 4 dozen police officers, more decided to join the strike in solidarity. At its peak, 636 police were on strike, leaving only a thin line of detectives, loyalist constables and retired police officers called back to duty to protect Melbourne. On the picket lines strike sympathizers were soon joined by elements of organized labor. The riots started when a loyalist police officer who was directing traffic on the corner of Swanston and Bourke Streets was attacked by an amassing crowd. When additional support came to help the lone officer, violence broke out leading to the police to have to pull back. In retaliation the crowd followed the police up Swanston street. Retreating to the Town Hall police depot, Loyalist Constables sealed themselves inside. Already understaffed and now deprived of half their number, they attempted to reason with the crowd in which the constable sent out was egged. Soon after the police form a baton wall and charged the crowd, which was met with heavy resistance. After hours of fighting the situation was largely brought under control, though the police still struggled to maintain order. Although the Trades Hall Council and other groups denounced the violence, many workers expressed frustration at being labelled "traitorous" by the press, which tried to explain the unrest as a product of Communal French agitation.
Striking police cheer in solidarity (November 2nd, 1923)
The police’s situation only worsened on Saturday as thousands came into the city to witness Derby Day but also the potential chaos brought about by the police strike. During the morning, recruitment of volunteer "special constables" began and regional police officers were brought in to replace the striking police. Despite this the police were struggling for manpower and other officers were defecting in the face of the enormous odds they faced. Despite the intensity of the situation, there was little violence until around 5 pm when a laborer punched a loyalist constable. The police then charged the crowd and severely beat the man who would later die from his injuries. Eventually overwhelmed, the police retreated to the Russell Street police headquarters to regroup. By then people who had been drinking at the pubs had joined the mobs, taking their bottles with them to use as weapons. At 6 pm fights broke out amongst the crowds after multiple projectiles were hurled into their mists, and due to the absence of police the violence only continued to escalate
The Riots[]
By 8 pm the police from the Russel street headquarters had gone out to restore order to the streets but their job became much harder after word spread that the man who threw the first punch had died. Many rioters now armed themselves with improvised weapons, and a few even brought firearms. What followed was waves of rioting and looting. On the corner of Swanston and Collins street as well as Russel and Lonsdale street makeshift barricades were erected. Photographs of these barricades, paired with armed rioters and some striking police in the streets, led many to view the riots as an outright uprising. This position was further solidified when the words "Melbourne Commune" first appeared in the Melbourne based newspaper “The Argus”, which led to heightening tensions across Australia and eventually the United Kingdom. The crowds became even more violent after William Spain, an ex-serviceman and railway worker was beaten to death by three rioters whilst police watched on. Premier Lawson seeing the chaos spiraling out of control eventually obtained the assistance of General John Monash who took command of the “Specials”.
Special constables march up Collins street to take their positions (November 3rd 1923)
Faced by demands for accountability from London, the federal government, based at the time in Melbourne, decided to bring in armed forces to restore order and to show that further rioting would be met with force. Later that night a detachment of 300 hundred troops had arrived to reinforce commonwealth buildings, Princes Bridge as well as the St Kilda barracks. By Sunday morning despite the best efforts of the police, looting and riots were still occurring across the CBD, with the Russel street police headquarters being under siege for a majority of the day. It wasn’t until the arrival of a detachment ex-Australian Light Horsemen that the rioters were able to be pushed back. Bouke and Swanston for the until 7 pm had become a battleground with the police indiscriminately batoning anyone on the street. This eventually led to multiple shots being fired between the crowds and police, killing three and wounding seven. With one of the dead victims being a loyalist constable, it spurred on many to join the “Specials” to bring about order in Melbourne. By Wednesday the tide had turned in favour of the government and the street battles had faded into smaller skirmishes
As the violence de-escalated, a series of barricades were torn down along the Yarra River and multiple arrests were made. On Thursday morning, the official line repeated in all Australian newspapers was that the worst offenders were syndicalist agitators and those of the “red working class”. When victory was declared over the "Melbourne Commune" the Commonwealth government went onto prohibit the export of film reel and photographs overseas lest it gave the impression that other parts of the empire faced threats from the red menace. Despite the delay, The Melbourne Cup would continue on Thursday under strict supervision by the “Specials”.
Aftermath[]
Following the end of the rioting a royal commission at the direction of Sir John Monash sought to determine the exact cause of events, and most importantly the cause of the rioting. Conservatives within the government believed that the event was sponsored by French syndicalists as a means of starting a revolution in Australia. This theory was initially based on the seizure of a French-speaking tailor believed to have been a French agent. However, after some investigation he was found to be a refugee with no syndicalist sympathies whatsoever. The syndicalist propaganda found near the town hall was instead locally produced and could not be connected to the striking police.
The Corner of Swanston and Bourke Street after the riots (November 10th 1923)
Though there had been a measure of organization between some groups of rioters, and portions of the city had been rendered inaccessible to law enforcement by way of barricades, no actual commune had been formed in Melbourne. Similarly, no organized link could be found between the unrest in Melbourne and that in other cities across Australia, which instead appeared to be solely sympathetic in nature. Despite this, the conservative Nationalist government and other conservative elements continued to use the “Melbourne Commune” as a means of fueling a red scare, which in turn helped build their support base. Despite a thorough inquiry lasting nearly two years no clear connection could ever be drawn between the riots and the Commune of France.
Despite the 636 police strikers never getting their jobs back, significant changes were made for the police in Victoria to ensure such a strike like would never again occur. These included reintroduction of police pensions, a pay rise, increased annual leave, and an improved promotion system to be put in place before the end of 1923. The previous “Spooks” system was also completely removed. While the reforms were implemented the “Specials” would remain on duty until a new police force could be recruited.
The significant violence and the drumming up of the red scare by news outlets proved to be a major motivation behind the eventual formation of Australasia through the Consolidation of Resources Act in December of the following year. It is also believed to have formed much of the basis for the retreat of the China Station to Australia in 1925, as the Monash Commission's full findings were only released several weeks after the decision was made.