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Ireland, officially the Irish Republic (Irish Gaelic: Saorstát Éireann), is a country in Western Europe. It is located on the island of the same name and its most immediate neighbour is the Union of Britain.
History[]
- Main article: Ireland/History
During the Weltkrieg[]
In 1914, the Irish Parliamentary Party finally achieved its long-term goal of Home Rule when the British Parliament passed the Government of Ireland Act, giving increased autonomy to Ireland while keeping it a part of the United Kingdom. Ireland and Britain have shared a government since in 1801, when the Kingdom of Great Britain and Kingdom of Ireland merged to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, removing any parliament from Ireland, and leading to great economic and social decline there. Unfortunately, the beginning of the Weltkrieg caused Westminster to delay the implementation of Home Rule indefinitely. Quieted tensions were brought back to the forefront. In 1916, the pro-independence Irish Volunteers plotted a national uprising with minor German material support. Dissent, indecision, and miscommunication among the revolutionaries, however, resulted in only a small group in Dublin taking up arms against the British. The Easter Rising saw intense fighting in the Dublin city centre, but it was swiftly crushed by the British Army.
Sixteen of the rebel leaders were immediately executed by military tribunal in what proved to be a fateful decision. The Easter Rising had not, initially, enjoyed strong popular support, but the brutality of the British response incensed the Irish public and led to a rapid growth in support for the revolutionary cause. This upswing of nationalism unexpectedly swelled the fortunes of Sinn Féin, until then a minor party led by founder Arthur Griffith that supported full Irish independence. In 1917, Sinn Féin shockingly won three by-elections and its MPs refused to take their seats in Westminster according to their policy of abstentionism.
After suffering defeat on the Western Front and desperate for manpower, in May of 1918 the British government instituted conscription in Ireland. This unpopular policy led to riots, and Sinn Féin’s new president Éamon de Valera declared a total boycott of the draft. For this, de Valera was arrested and imprisoned in England. As resistance to conscription only grew as the year drew on, Westminster decided to bring the promised home rule in hopes that it would mollify the nationalist opposition. Importantly, the six counties in Ulster where unionist sentiment was strongest would be exempted, a move much opposed by Irish nationalists.
In late 1918, the Home Rule elections were held; Sinn Féin won an overwhelming victory and the Irish Parliamentary Party was decimated. Sinn Féin organised its own parliament, Dáil Éireann, which declared itself to be the legitimate government of Ireland.
The Irish War of Independence[]
On the same day as the first meeting of the Dáil, a unit of the Irish Republican Army, Sinn Féin’s military arm, ambushed and killed two constables of the Royal Irish Constabulary. Though neither government ever made a declaration of war, this is generally considered to be the beginning of the Irish War of Independence. It became clear to the British government that the RIC was not up to the task of fighting the rebels, yet the army could not be deployed as a state of war in Ireland had not been declared because the government feared that to do so would grant international legitimacy to the Irish Republic, already backed by Germany, and open up the potential can of worms of it being recognised as a member of the Central Powers. As a solution, a new auxiliary was created for the RIC made up of former British soldiers; these became known as the “Black and Tans”.
The Irish received immediate support from the German Empire, though it would not be until 1919 that sufficient materiel arrived to have a major effect on the course of the war. The war was not conventional, but a guerrilla conflict with many small engagements. The Irish created an entire parallel court system in the territories under their control, undermining the legitimacy of the British government while preventing their own fighters from facing prosecution (since this from the British point of view, it was not considered a real war, and the IRA could not be treated as enemy combatants). In December of 1919 new elections were held with all but six counties in Ulster abstaining. These counties elected mostly unionists to Westminster, and the following year a second Irish parliament was created in the north, signalling the beginning of Northern Ireland as a separate unit.
By mid-1920, the tide of the war was shifting. The Black and Tans, due in part to the ambiguous legality of their position, had committed a large number of atrocities, and word of these had spread to the British press. The British public, still reeling from the end of the Weltkrieg, was becoming increasingly weary of the conflict. By 1921, with Britain facing post-war bankruptcy and the situation in Ireland increasingly out of their control as German shipments had left the Irish with no shortage of arms, Westminster sought a truce with the rebels and the Irish agreed on July 11th.
Minister for Finance, and mastermind behind the IRA campaign, Michael Collins and party founder Arthur Griffith were sent to negotiate the terms of peace, Éamon de Valera being still imprisoned. The Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed on November 10th, 1921, ending the war. Its terms saw the total withdrawal of British forces from Ireland. The Irish state was recognised as a republic, but would remain in external association with Britain, though not a member of the Commonwealth. In addition, the six counties of Northern Ireland were to be retained by Britain, and the Royal Navy was to have control of a number of strategic ports.
The early republic[]
The treaty was generally considered a success and welcomed by the Irish populace. However, it proved divisive within Sinn Féin and especially the IRA, where many refused to accept partition. Dissenters split off to form the Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin, a big-tent coalition which practised abstentionism from the Dáil on the grounds that the treaty-based government was illegitimate. At the beginning of 1922, Griffith called a convention to draft a constitution for the Republic; despite political opposition, the Irish people approved it by referendum in February. It established the government as a semi-presidential parliamentary republic, with an elected president and the Príomh-Aire (equivalent to prime minister) sharing executive powers.
In May, Griffith called a snap election before stepping down as president. Eoin MacNeill became Sinn Féin’s new leader, though promising to retain Michael Collins as head of government. Opposition to Collins within Sinn Féin had grown with his critics suspecting that he would become the real power behind MacNeill as they believed he had been behind Griffith. The anti-Collins faction, led by Cathal Brugha and including Éamon de Valera, left Sinn Féin and created the new party Cumann an tSaorstáit, which was socially conservative and staunchly republican. Brugha became the main opposing candidate for president, but the election saw Sinn Féin under MacNeill and Collins win handily. The MacNeill administration was preoccupied by the situation in Northern Ireland where sectarian violence continued to flare up. His government met with the Unionist leadership in Belfast promising to work towards a peaceful resolution, though other elements within Sinn Féin clandestinely supported the Ulster IRA.
The British Revolution and aftermath[]
In late 1924, the effects of the nationwide strike actions and mounting violence in Britain was being felt across the Irish Sea. Though the Irish unions at first moved to strike in solidarity with the British workers, William O’Brien, principal leader of trade unionism in Ireland and a staunch moderate, was successful in keeping the largest unions from striking during the British Revolution. Though the more militant unions did strike, their actions were small and disorganised and easily put down by the government. Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin was also affected, as a break finally came between the far-left and far-right wings of the movement.
The greatest difficulty, however, came with the status of Northern Ireland. Some within the Republic advocated invasion and annexation. The Unionist government in the north had unequivocally stood by the British monarchy and parliament, but when the government fled to Canada, communications became infrequent and the British government-in-exile ordered Belfast to simply hold tight. Though the Ulster Volunteers successfully maintained order, there were growing fears the syndicalists might invade once they had consolidated control of Britain. Collins proposed meetings with the Unionists on the possibility of incorporation into the republic, a move that was met with extreme reluctance in Belfast and outright anger among many in Ireland. Nonetheless, early in 1926 rumours that a red army was gathering in Liverpool for an invasion of Northern Ireland finally pushed the Unionists to agree to integration.
In exchange for “reunification” with Ireland, the Unionists received guarantees that the Irish would provide for their defence and honour a set of protections known as the “Ulster Privileges”. Significantly, these privileges granted the county councils of the six counties special autonomy, guaranteed that a certain number of Unionists would sit on the President’s Council of State, forbade altering the electoral boundaries within any of the six counties, and created a Minister for Ulster Affairs. Despite the concessions, integration was slow and faced much resistance from the Unionists. The reunification of Ireland should have been a great achievement for Sinn Féin; however, the Irish economy was in freefall following the collapse of Britain and the beginning of the Great Depression. The combination of economic woes, controversy surrounding the reunification process, and perception that MacNeill was a weak leader was enough to put Cumann an tSaorstáit over the top in the 1926 elections, and Cathal Brugha became president.
Brugha’s main policy in trying to achieve economic recovery was to pivot Ireland away from the Anglo-American market towards Germany. Irish agricultural products sold well in the German market and in return large-scale German investment began to enter Ireland. Ireland did not, however, join the Mitteleuropa bloc, as many members of Cumann an tSaorstáit including prime minister de Valera wanted to pursue economic self-sufficiency. As economic stagnation continued, however, leftist sentiment grew with the most radical groups beginning to receive clandestine support from Britain. The government banned syndicalist parties, and the labour movement fractured between reformists and revolutionaries, yet even underground the radicals continued to gain in strength.
The Collins presidency[]
With economic recovery sluggish and continuing controversy surrounding the Ulster Privileges, no party was able to win a majority during elections called in 1929 by Brugha. After negotiations, Sinn Féin entered a confidence-and-supply agreement with the Ulster Democratic Party, the successor to the Ulster Unionist Party, forming a new government including Collins himself as president with Richard Mulcahy as his prime minister. Unlike his predecessors, Collins whole-heartedly embraced trade with Germany, opening up Ireland to investment and paving the way for its entrance into the Mitteleuropa bloc. Collins believed that Ireland should move away from the Westminster system to a more American-style government with a strong president. In a series of closely-run referenda, measures to greatly expand the presidency’s power were approved. With his expanded powers, Collins cracked down harshly on the far-left and far-right even while Sinn Féin itself became more socially liberal.
In May of 1931, Eoin O’Duffy was removed as chief commissioner of the Garda (the Irish national police) by Collins due to his increasingly anti-Collins stance. O’Duffy left Sinn Féin and took with him many of the more right-wing and anti-German members. This faction joined with the remnants of the right-wing Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin to form Aontas Náisiúnta, a far-right party that espoused corporatism and opposed the Ulster Privileges. Meanwhile, Cumann an tSaorstáit, smarting from its electoral defeat, passed into the leadership of de Valera, who reorganised it as An Saorstát Críostúil, a thoroughly conservative party. The election of 1933 saw these new parties and several others attempt to chip away at Sinn Féin and the UDP’s dominance. They were partially successful: Sinn Féin achieved a plurality of only 46% in the Dáil and thus once again could not govern alone, forcing the party to continue their confidence-and-supply agreement. Though this alliance made Sinn Féin more beholden to the special interests of the north, Collins maintained his ascendancy, as the strong economy and recession of unrest cemented his popularity.
Politics[]
The 213 seats of Dáil Éireann. The empty seats represent the radical wing of AN, who are abstentionist.
Saor Éire - Totalists - 0 TDs - Peadar O'Donnell - Ideologically totalitarian syndicalists; they are barred from participating in Irish elections, so have no TDs. Their limited support is further dampened due to accusations of violence and terrorism. Most of the leadership are bitter Anti-Treaty IRA veterans, now part of the reformed Irish Citizen Army, with Saor Éire being the political front. While not pleased with having to work directly with Britain, they are willing to accept the reality that presents itself, and take whatever aid they can receive, up to a point.
Irish Syndicalist Party - Syndicalists - 0 TDs - James Larkin - The "mainstream" syndicalist party in Ireland, refounded and working underground, after Roddy Connolly's original iteration of the party was banned. While still illegal, they have increased in popularity under the leadership of Jim Larkin. They take influence from Christian socialism as well as orthodox syndicalism, and have a more Francophile, internationalist, and urban-focused tone than the comparatively rural SÉ. Due to this more exclusive niche, the ISP has found itself mostly sidelined by SÉ.
Progressive Labour Party - Radical Socialists - 6 TDs - Owen Sheehy-Skeffington - A now independent branch of the Labour Party, with its members mostly drawn from student wings of the party. Defining themselves as more radically socially progressive and anti-authoritarian, they take a dim view of some of the more restrictive policies of the current government, in terms of censorship and limiting certain freedoms of speech. They are pro-pacifism, pro-feminist, pro-collectivisation, and support abolishing the death penalty and corporal punishment. Having only recently formed, they have a lot to prove for themselves, and await to see if their brand of reformist and non-confrontational politics is even permitted in the current political environment.
Labour Party - Social Democrats - 19 TDs - William X. O’Brien - Founded in 1912, the Labour Party has followed democratic-socialist / reformist policies since its inception. Despite allegations of being crypto-syndicalists, O’Brien has gone to great lengths to thoroughly purge the party of anyone even remotely involved with the radicals’ politics. This stance allows the Labour Party to continue to operate in the Republic legally and allay fears the public might have about them trying to bring about anything resembling the Union of Britain. If elected they will seek to introduce social-democratic policies such as greater welfare provisions, public works and unwind Collins' harsh political restrictions.
Clann na Talmhan - Social Liberals - 7 TDs - Michael Donnellan - Often referred to as the “Farmers' Party”, Clann na Talmhan (Family/Children of the Land) is one of the smaller parties in Ireland, basing its policies off of populist agrarianism and rural-focused social democracy, with a specific focus on greater land reform and promotion of land reclamation. Due to their limited support base, largely among farmers in the west of the country, and their relatively recent formation, their influence is limited. They will, however, be instrumental in supporting any potential Labour government, and would be expected to appear in its cabinet.
National Development Party - Market Liberals - 13 TDs - Seán Lemass - Disillusioned with the political direction of Sinn Féin, Lemass left the party while a member of the Dáil and united with the National League Party and National Centre Party (remnants of the pro-Home Rule Irish Parliamentary party) to form the NDP. His party remains rather small and is made up of Lemass and his close associates. Pro-business and trade, they find support mainly among the urban middle class and the more wealthy “big farmers”, while their position on religion is rather ambivalent. Internationally, they seek to continue Ireland’s relationship with Germany and Mittleuropa and its business interests, but drawing back on large intergovernmental deals with the German government, which they believe to undermine Ireland’s economic and political position. While the NDP is too small to take power itself it seeks to springboard itself via cooperating with de Valera or Labour.
An Saorstát Críostúil - Social Conservatives - 34 TDs - Éamon de Valera - An Saorstát Críostúil (the Christian Republic) was born out of the ruins of Cathal Brugha’s break-off from Sinn Féin, Cumann an tSaorstáit, after Brugha lost the 1930 election. Combining socially conservative policies based on Catholic teachings with a semi-leftist and agrarian economic outlook, de Valera has engineered a credible alternative to the socially liberal and urbanist Sinn Féin. For a mutual disdain for the increasingly powerful and authoritarian direction of Sinn Féin, de Valera has found a potential ally in Seán Lemass, though no official co-operation is in place yet. Internationally. de Valera is an isolationist, and while he might be persuaded to stand with Germany or the Entente under the right circumstances, he would certainly still keep them at arm’s length.
Sinn Féin - Authoritarian Democrats - 80 TDs - Michael Collins - While legitimately elected, Michael Collins and Sinn Féin have grown increasingly authoritarian. Political freedoms in Ireland have been slowly curtailed and most extremist groups banned or suppressed as Sinn Féin becomes more and more focused on maintaining law and order. Ideologically, Sinn Féin is relatively socially progressive and religiously pluralistic with a heavy focus on developing Ireland’s industry and urban centres. Sinn Féin is firmly in Germany’s camp, having led the country into Germany’s sphere and Mitteleuropa. They are strongly considering a military alliance with the Germans, but also have some latent isolationist tendencies.
Aontas Náisiúnta (Parliamentarians) - Paternal Autocrats - 13 TDs - Eoin O’Duffy - Aontas Náisiúnta's (“National Union”) origins lie in two distinct areas: the failed Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin, and a tight knit anti-Collins wing of Sinn Féin. Finally having an excuse in the form of anti-protestant discrimination among the Gardai, Collins jumped to have O’Duffy dismissed, who would leave the party and take his faction with him before negotiating a merger with the aforementioned right wing of Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin, and other minor right-wing groups. They hold beyond disdain for the Ulster Privileges and German economic involvement that have characterised Irish policy in recent times. AN are also incensed with the increasingly secular nature of the new Irish state and O’Duffy preaches a sort of corporatist, semi-integralist system without actually being an integralist himself. The parliamentarians represent the Old Guard of the far-right; politically connected and while disdainful of “parliamentary politics” they do partake in the democratic system. Officially they disbanded their paramilitary of the National Guard, but this is a limp claim at best.
Aontas Náisiúnta (Abstentionists) - National Populists - 2 TDs - Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin - Not a political party in and of themselves, but a vocal minority within the wider AN. Finding inspiration in the ultranationalist integralist regime in Portugal, Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin plots to place Jorge O’Neill, exiled in Portugal, on the throne of a new Irish kingdom. The Integralists are highly critical of Collins because of his willingness to compromise with Ulster Loyalists, insufficient focus on a Gaelic revival and acceptance of foreign economic influence, and are also increasingly disillusioned with the old guard of the AN, who they see as being too limited in their vision for a transformation of Ireland. The slow decline of the once universally popular O’Duffy relative to this more radical faction has placed the far right in a power struggle. Like Sinn Féin under the British, Ó Cuinneagáin and his followers have refused to take up their seats in the Dáil Éireann, calling parliamentary democracy an un-Irish Anglo-Saxon invention. Internationally, Ó Cuinneagáin and his followers have sympathies toward pan-Europeanism and especially favour other Catholic integralist regimes.
Ulster Democratic Party - 39 TDs - James Craig - The UDP, while a political party, is entirely regional, and does not partake in politics in the Dáil as we know it. For the UDP, joining Northern Ireland with the Republic was the worst form of marriage of necessity, with the alternative (the UoB) only seen as marginally the less desirable prospect. Seeing the current situation as an entirely temporary state of affairs, and living in hope of the prospect of a Homecoming of the British establishment from Canada, they don't want to be seen as too bogged down in the politics of the Republic. However, they find themselves giving some support to the Collins' administration in exchange for further restrictions on the godless syndicalists, and continued protection of the Ulster Privileges.
| Law | Status |
|---|---|
| Conscription | Volunteer Only |
| Economics | Civilian Economy |
| Trade | Export Focus |
| Position | Incumbent | Faction | Portrait |
|---|---|---|---|
| Príomh-Aire | Richard Mulcahy
(born 10 May 1886) |
Sinn Féin |  |
| Minister for Foreign
Affairs |
Harry Boland
(born 27 April 1887) |
Sinn Féin |   |
| Minister for Finance | Patrick McGilligan
(born 12 April 1889) |
Sinn Féin |   |
| Minister for Home
Affairs |
Kevin O'Higgins
(born 7 June 1892) |
Sinn Féin |   |
Military[]
Army[]
The Irish Republican Army, or Óglaigh na hÉireann, has evolved from a guerrilla force into a national army in the years since independence, becoming the most substantial and well-funded section of the Ireland's armed forces in light of the threat from a British invasion or loyalist uprising. Although their lower ranks take in all kinds, the officer class consists mainly of veterans from the Irish War of Independence who hold an attitude of distrust towards politicians, and dislike the concessions given to Ulster loyalists by successive Irish governments. With pro-German attitudes commonplace in military circles, the army is split in terms of doctrine by those inspired by the professionalism of the Heer and those who argue that only guerrilla warfare will preserve Irish independence during the next war.
[]
The Irish Naval Service, containing a fleet made up primarily of destroyers and submarines, is dominated by ex-Royal Navy sailors and officers of Irish extraction. Noting that Ireland could never hope to match the sheer size of Britain's navy, Irish naval strategists have settled on a doctrine of raiding, theorising that just as the flying columns allowed the Irish to take on the might of the British Empire in spite of inferior numbers, Ireland's mobile fleets will serve as the flying columns of the sea.
Airforce[]
The Irish Air Corps, under the authority of the army, consists of two squadrons of German-manufactured planes, one of fighters, the other of bombers. The Air Corps personnel are predominantly made up of a mix of ex-IRA and ex-RAF men, and arguments have begun to be raised that the Air Corps should be separated from the army's authority and accorded more funding, with advocates for such a course arguing that air power is the future of warfare and will be essential to the future defence of Ireland.
Foreign Relations[]
The Irish Republic is a member of Mitteleuropa and thus good relations with the German Empire and the Reichspakt. Germany has emerged as Ireland's biggest trading partner following the collapse of the United Kingdom and is seen by many as Ireland's "gallant ally in Europe", having assisted and recognised the Irish Republic during their War of Independence. The Army in particular is a bastion of pro-German sentiment and German culture is increasingly fashionable among cosmopolitan and liberal sections of Irish society.
Ireland has good relations with the United States of America. Despite America's poor relations with the Mitteleuropa bloc, Ireland and America maintain close cultural ties forged by the legacy of millions of Irish emigrants and a common republicanism in contrast to the monarchist-dominated Europe, and Michael Collins looks to America's single executive system as a model to imitate.
Ireland also holds good relations with the Papal State. Although Sinn Féin has attempted to pursue a more secular policy, the Catholic faith is a core part of Ireland's national identity and maintaining a positive relationship with the Catholic Church is essential for any Irish leader in light of the significant sway they hold.
Ireland has poor relations with Canada, owing to the Irish breaking several terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty following the British Revolution, albeit cordial exchanges do take place on occasion. While the Union of Britain is seen as a larger and more immediate threat, the possibility of what a British restoration would mean for Ulster is feared by some.
Ireland has very poor relations with the Union of Britain and the Third International. Though the Union of Britain has recognised Irish sovereignty over Northern Ireland, British hostility to the Irish Republic's pro-German alignment and granting of refuge to British dissidents in addition to strong Irish opposition to syndicalism has led to mutual enmity between the two nations and spying incidents are frequent, resulting an attitude of paranoia towards any potential for British or syndicalist infiltration among the Irish. Officially the Irish Republic has no trade with the British as part of German policy, but in practice the economic drawbacks of ignoring Ireland's closest neighbour are too much for many traders and under-the-carpet exchanges are frequent.
Economy[]
The economy of the Irish Republic is primarily agricultural in nature and orientated towards pasture farming, with cattle, beef and dairy products such as butter and cheese being produced for export on the Mitteleuropan market. Alcohol also comprises another popular Irish export, with the Irish whiskey industry in particular having benefitted greatly from meeting the demand created by the absence of Scotch whisky on the world market after the British Revolution. Ireland also mines limited numbers of natural resources such as copper and lead, particularly in southern regions such as the Wicklow Mountains. As coal reserves on the island are low, turf and imported coal are primarily used as fuel.
Though Sinn Féin has pursued a policy of industrialisation via promoting German investment, a notable example of the fruits borne from this policy being the construction of the Ardnacrusha hydroelectric power plant, Irish industry is for the most part limited to Belfast and Dublin, with the production of food & drinks, linen and shipbuilding making up Ireland's main industries. Many of these factories are owned by Germans and difficulties matching foreign competition on the Irish and international market are a frequent complaint of Irish businessmen and entrepreneurs. Reflecting the close relationship between the German and Irish economies, the Irish currency, the Irish punt, is pegged to the German mark due to the Mark's stability, a decision which detractors claim risks serious consequences in the event of German economic trouble.