German Empire/Paths

In-Game Path Guide:[]

Regime of the Red General (Authoritarian Democrat / Paternal Autocrat)[]

In the Kabinett Schleicher decision category, ensure that neither the Demokratische Union nor the Koalition Schwarz-Weiß-Rot gain enough seats to start a vote of no confidence.
In the Ruhrkampf, ensure that the Intensity of the uprising does not become lower than 25 or higher than 75 when the repeating mission fires.
In late 1936, Schleicher will pass the Enabling Act and secure control.
Postwar, after the Schleicher Constitution is passed, Schleicher will retire and a new Reichskanzler will succeed him. Depending on his successor, you will remain either Authoritarian Democrat or Paternal Autocrat
In order to get an aligned Zentrum Chairman, have Stegerwald stand firm and the federalists agree to a Triumvirate.

The Victory of Democracy (Social Democrat / Social Conservative)[]

In the Kabinett Schleicher decision category, ensure that the Demokratische Union gains enough seats to start a vote of no confidence.
Alternatively, in the Ruhrkampf, ensure that the Intensity of the uprising becomes lower than 25 when the repeating mission fires.
In the postwar elections, you will have the choice of either reelecting the Social Democratic Party or electing the Christian People's Party
In order to get an aligned Zentrum Chairman, have Stegerwald stand firm and the federalists reject the Triumvirate.

The Conservative Revolution (Paternal Autocrat / Authoritarian Democrat)[]

In the Kabinett Schleicher decision category, ensure that the Koalition Schwarz-Weiß-Rot gains enough seats to start a vote of no confidence.
Alternatively, in the Ruhrkampf, ensure that the Intensity of the uprising becomes higher than 75 when the repeating mission fires.
The ideology of the German National People's Union, formed postwar, will depend on the balance between the DkP and DVLP. Should the DVLP be dominant, you will remain Paternal Autocrat, and should the DkP be dominant, you will become Authoritarian Democrat.
Do note that the focuses Foster Volkskonservatismus and Abolish Universal Suffrage will guarantee you become Authoritarian Democrat or Paternal Autocrat respectively, regardless of the balance.
In order to get an aligned Zentrum Chairman, have Stegerwald negotiate with the opposition and drop his candidacy, although Zentrum support locks one focus.

Unreadiness Mechanics []

In order to get the minimum effects of Military Unreadiness, a number of measures must be taken:
- the Debt value from the Black Monday minigame must be under 150%.
- Schleicher, the DU or SWR must not fail their respective minigames.
- One national focus for railways must be taken.
- One of the first naval doctrine national focuses must be taken.
- One of the first air doctrine national focuses must be taken.
- 10 economic decisions from the Freewillinger Arbeitsdent focus branch must be taken.
- Numerous national focuses for the army and military industrialism must be taken.

Starting Situation[]

For the entire German Empire focus Tree.

The guns fell silent in August 1919 when Germany (and the Central Powers) entered into an armistice with France and the United Kingdom (and the Entente). After five years of brutal, bloody war, Germany stood on top of the world, but just barely, being on the brink of collapse due to the war. But it won, and a treaty officially ending the war was signed at Versailles in November of the same year. Peace with Japan was not signed for another three years, though no fighting actually took place until then.

GER Starting Situation 2 — Starting Lore

Germany’s adversaries did not fare as well as: In 1920, France fell after a year-long civil war (partly due to the aftermath of its peace with Germany), and in 1925 the United Kingdom fell as well after a year-long revolution of its own. Russia, having sought peace in 1918, experienced yet another revolution, and though a democratic government came out victorious, the new Republic was a shell of its former self. The United States, though not a participant of the war, actually fared well until 1925 when, as a result of the British Revolution, its stock market crashed, plunging the country into economic turmoil.

Domestically, since the end of the Weltkrieg, political power in Germany has slowly shifted to the democratically elected Reichstag, the basis being the constitutional reforms in March of 1920. Enacted in the aftermath of the Ludendorff Dictatorship (the time when the Supreme Command of the Army led by Erich Ludendorff and Paul von Hindenburg exerted more and more undue influence and control over the civilian government), the reforms, dubbed the March Constitution, transformed Germany into parliamentary monarchy. Changes to the Imperial Constitution included allowing the Reichstag to call a vote of no confidence in the Chancellor, declarations of war and peace treaties now required its consent, and franchise was lowered from 25 to 21. Since the mid-20s, a grand coalition (in the spirit of March 1920), has, with various parties and strengths, governed Germany under a number of different Chancellors. The latest, Herbert von Dirksen, in office since 1934, continues that tradition, though since 1935 has led a minority government after the Liberal People's Party (LVP) left the coalition. Dirksen is only able to led the government as the two ‘permanent opposition’ parties in the Reichstag, the social democrat Social Democratic of Germany (SPD) and paternal autocrat German Fatherland Party (DVLP) won’t call a vote of no confidence in him as each would rather wait for the next election scheduled for April 1936 in hopes to win an outright victory.

Master of the World[]

Though Germany stands as an ultimate world power, it is not what it used to be. Socialist powers are rising across Europe and the rest of the world, and the German economy has slowed down since the Golden Twenties. Though 1936 is the year it can turn its troubles around, and reassert itself on the world stage, hedging off trouble spots in the world.

The first available focus that can be taken, aptly titled ‘Master of the World’, unlocks the foreign policy tree. The tree itself is grouped by regions of the world:

Through the left-most branch, Germany can support the US in the runup to its eventual civil war. Once the war does break out, with America occupied for the foreseeable future Germany can court the leaders of Central and South America, each with varying prerequisites, to join it’s faction, the Reichspakt.

The next branch concerns Asia, allowing Germany to support the League of Eight Provinces, a state it has heavily invested in, in the eventual League War. This opens up the ability to support its South Asian colony, German East Asia, and later may court the rulers of the Indian subcontinent. The branch also allows Germany to start negotiations with the Ottomans, and those countries in its orbit. Through the Ottomans, Germany can next focus its efforts on the Balkans, South Western Asia, and the Mediterranean.

Another branch deals with the Commune of France. The first focus in it will ask the Commune to renew the Treaty of Metz. The Treaty, signed after it won the French Civil War, holds the Commune to the Treaty of Versailles and demilitarizes its side of the border. The French can save face and agree, lowering world tension, or can publicly deny it and lose war support (the earlier the focus is completed, the more war support it will lose). In an effort to encircle the French, Germany can build up its fortifications on the French border, look to Spain and Austria for mutual help, and will get decisions to invade/align unfriendly northern and eastern neighbors.

The penultimate branch concerns espionage. Note if the DLC La Resistance is not owned, the intelligence difference prerequisite for the foci will not be present:

Operation: Eluen will mobilize local Catholics against the Commune. (Eluen, German for owls, is a reference to the Chouans (Old French for Owl), an anti-revolutionary group led by the Cottereau brothers, better known by their nom de guerre, the Chouan brothers.
Operation: Jacobus will mobilize local royalists in Scotland against the Union. (Jacobus, Latin for James, references the former King of Great Britain from the Royal House of Scotland, the Stuarts, ousted during the Glorious Revolution.
By creating a consortium in Russia, Germany can, with the coordination of its largest companies there, tie the Russian economy closer to its.

Finally, the last branch concerns the Eastern puppets, and the creation of the Ostwall. Once built, the Ostwall will be the longest line of fortification in the world, overseen by Germany and its eastern puppets, as a deterrence against a Russian invasion. The rest of the branch deals with strengthening Germany’s eastern flank, keeping the puppets securely under German influence, while also helping the further eastern states in Central Asia in any wars they may find themselves in against Russia.

Elections and Black Monday[]

For a full list of Election and BM events.

Almost immediately after the start of the new year, German markets will be rocked by the assassination in Moscow: Alexander Kerensky, the Chairman of the Senate of the Russian Republic. Quick action by stock brokers and bankers prevented an outright crash, but the volatility will shake investor confidence.

The volatile market is a backdrop to the upcoming political event: the 1936 elections scheduled for three months time. Players will be given the choice to play as one of the opposition parties, the SPD or DVLP, and over the next three months attempt to secure an election victory for it. The SPD and the LVP will form the Demokratische Union (Democratic Union, DU), while the DVLP and its ally, the DkP (German Conservative Party), will form the Schwarz-Weiß-Rot (Black-White-Red, SWR)

Available immediately are five decisions (but only three may be chosen) affecting the projected seat count in the Reichstag. If playing as the SPD, choosing to ‘Stand Joint Candidates with the Left-LVP’ will strengthen the LVP’s left wing, and will be beneficial to the SPD later on if it takes power.

With the election underway, more problems will arise on the economic front: as the recent volatile market never quite corrected itself. In the beginning of February, distressing news will come out of Asia detailing both corruption in German East Asia, and growing instability in the League of Eight Provinces, threatening German investments in the region. Investors will respond by pulling out of the affected companies left and right, selling off government bonds. On Sunday, February 2nd, the government will try to ease investor fears by changing the Reichsbank’s credit line, and pausing the German Mark’s convertibility to gold.

When the market opens the next day, February 3rd, it just won't sink... it will plunge! Dubbed Black Monday, the economic shock of the Berlin Market Crash will reverberate around the world. The Dirksen government will do what it can, but it won’t be enough, and the effects of the crash will get worse and worse over the next two months, until bottoming out at the end of March.

This is as, all the while, the election season is still going on. The economic crisis will hasten Dirksen’s resignation, who will be succeeded by the Minister-President of Prussia, Siegfried von Roedern (the offices of Chancellor, and M-P of Prussia once again being held by the same person for first time in more than a decade, but more on that below). Once appointed, Roedern has two options available. He may:

Form a non-partisan government. Angry at the inclusion of mostly Prussian officials, southern states such as Bavaria and its allies will form a hostile majority in the upper house of the Imperial legislature, the Bundesrat. This will boost the SPD and moderate parties in the April elections.
Attempt to reform the Grand Coalition. He’ll successfully negotiate and reform it, but the LVP will once again cause its downfall when it leaves the government over disagreements with conservative parties. This will boost the DVLP and moderate parties in the April elections.

Lastly, before the elections are over Zentrum, the Catholic center party which has lent its support to every government since the end of the Weltkrieg, will find itself at an impasse. Should it make overtures to Protestant conservative parties in hopes of widening its support base, or stick to its trusted Catholic electorate? Leaning towards the right will boost the party’s right wing, while choosing to stay with its tried and true will boost the party’s left wing.

Black Monday Card Game[]

GER Black Monday Mini-Game — Black Monday Mini-Game

From Black Monday every 10 days the effects of the crash will get worse and worse until it finally bottoms out at the end of March. At that time the first mini-game will start: The Black Monday Card game.

Note: the game is optional. In the game rules it may be disabled if desired. But, without player intervention, the effects of Black Monday will not be fully removed until June of 1940. (180 days from bottoming out it will start to slowly tick down, decreasing every 150 days after that.) Playing the game perfectly, the quickest it will be fully removed will be under two years, February 1938.

The game is won by combating economic stagnation with investment, and combating economic decline with stability. There are a total of nine rounds, each represented by the economic health of the country, starting out at -10. The game will end when it reaches -1. The first round lasts 15 days, and for each round after 15 more days are added to the limit (so the second round is 30 days, the third 45 days etc…). During this time cards are played to increase investment and stability, the goal of which is to have greater investment and stability than stagnation and economic decline, respectively, at the end of the round. As the rounds end and the country recovers, and even from an event or two, stagnation and economic decline will increase.

If at the end of a round both scores are higher, economic health will increase. But if both are below, economic health will get worse, and revert to a lower level (if not at -10 already). If one side is more while the other less, the deadlock will see the round replayed, with no increase or decrease in economic health.

In addition, each round is categorized by a Crisis Type: Liquidity, Inflation, and Labor. Each of these are vulnerable to certain types of cards, some playing better in a certain Crisis than another.

With each card played, it runs the risk of increasing the country’s debt too. Debt initially is set at 105% of GDP, and realistically should be kept below 150% when Black Monday ends (for the Unpreparedness mechanic, explained below). If it ever reaches 200% the German economy will crash (again), and consumer goods factories will sit at 100% because of it. Each year that national spirit will be reduced by 10%, and in the 10th year the Black Monday national spirit, whatever it currently sits at, will start to tick down once a year as well until it is finally removed.

The cards are drawn from a pre-built deck, with more added as certain foci in the Black Monday recovery tree are completed.

There are a few different types of cards. Some, such as relief cards, will increase investment and stability. Pay careful attention to these cards; the current Crisis Type will affect the strength of the card. Take Capital Controls for example; if the current round is facing an inflation Crisis, the card will be 50% more effective. It may be wise if there is a Reichsbank Analysis card in your hand to play it if none of your current cards are extra-effective against the current Crisis, and hope the cards will be more effective against the next type.

If all the rounds are successfully beaten the first time around, the Black Monday mini-game will end in February 1938, the economy taking a full two years to recover. But if the mini-game keeps going until the start of the 2WK, it will end in a draw and BM will slowly tick down, every 150 days, until the economy finally recovers.

There is not one way to play the card Game, and can be completed however you’d like with any foci combination.

GER Black Monday Tree — Black Monday Recovery Tree Effects

Note: The Black Monday recovery tree will not unlock until after the 1936 elections are held.

The BM tree is divided into four sections, but only three deal with Black Monday, the fourth is for another mini-game/mechanic. Many foci in the branches are not accessible until the economic health reaches a certain level. If the Card Game was disabled, this will not apply.

The first branch concerns the Freiwilliger Arbeitsdienst (Voluntary Labour Service, FAD). Like it sounds, mostly all foci are dedicated to building, whether that be infrastructure, factories, or adding resources, and are done so through decisions. All of the decisions completed within a Black Monday round will lower the stagnation and economic decline by 100 points each.

The next branch deals with debt restructuring. The best way to reduce Black Monday debt are the foci in this branch, and the decisions enabled through its first focus. For the latter, Germany can negotiate with lenders from Austria, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Canada, Russia, Japan, Australasia, and Sweden, shaving 2% off the Black Monday debt for each. But if a country falls to socialism before Germany can negotiate, it will lose the opportunity.

The third and final branch is actually two mutually exclusive ones, choosing which economic plan to enact:

Walther von Rathenau’s Neue Wirtschaft (New Economy) plan. It calls for the planification and centralization of the economy to achieve peak efficiency. This includes government control over labor, establishment of the binnenwirtschaft (inland economy), the development of domestic industry, to eliminate reliance on foreign markets, and the reformation of the education system so even those of low births or traits can maximize themselves into the economy.
Fritz Tarnow and Fritz Baade’s plan. Unionists, they call for state intervention in the economy to curtail the banking sector and create public works. This can be achieved if unionists take the lead when negotiating with business and government, government intervention to stop the breakdown of market prices, creation of Staatliche Bankenaufsicht (State Banking Supervision) to oversee the Reichsbank, and the offering of low interest government loans to struggling businesses.

Schleicher Appointed[]

No matter what the Reichstag seat outcome is come the April elections no party will have gained a majority. Kaiser Wilhelm II will, on advice of his son, appoint the first military man as Chancellor in decades, Prussian Minister of War Kurt von Schleicher. A moderate with ties to left and right, he is an ardent trade union supporter, gaining him the nickname the Red General.

In his first speech as Chancellor, Schleicher and the Cabinet will back a new law changing the way a no confidence vote in the government can be initiated. Before the Chancellor is removed from office, a candidate for the Chancellorship must already have the support of a majority of the Reichstag. This new law will ensure Schleicher can not be ousted so soon since, owing to the current composition of the Reichstag, the parties will not be able to agree on a single candidate.

‘Owing to the current composition’ is the key here. The ‘permanent opposition’, the SPD and DVLP, will each start to reach out to other parties in the Reichstag to get to the magic number of 223 seats (50%+1 majority) to successfully oust Schleicher and replace him with their candidate. This is where the next mini-game comes into play (and also opens up the Black Monday recovery tree).

The parties with their respective seat allotment from the elections are shown in the decision tab. The LVP and Zentrum are broken down into their factions, the LVP having a left and right wing, and Zentrum having a left, right, and center wing.

Normally the LVP seats will be split evenly between the two wigs, but if the left wing was boosted by taking the SPD election decision, Stand Joint Candidates with Left-LVP, about two-thirds will join it instead.
Zentrum’s are allocated in mostly the same way. The wing strengthened through the election event On Ecumenism will receive 40% of the seats, while the other wing and the center will receive 30% each.

In addition to dealing with Black Monday, Schleicher will now have to fight for his government’s survival by keeping the DU and SWR alliances as small as possible. This is done through taking decisions during each round (every 30 days) of DU/SWR coalition talks. Initially, he can flag up to three parties to stop them from joining the DU or SWR. At the end of the round, one of up to three parties (as indicated by hovering over the timed missions) will join each coalition. It is random which one joins the DU/SWR, so if it happens to be one flagged, it won’t end up joining.

There is a built-in failsafe: if the number of parties available to be flagged is equal to or smaller than the number of flags available, an event will trigger to decrease the latter so Schleicher can not unilaterally prevent a vote of no confidence.

In addition to the decisions a number of events and foci will affect the growth of the DU/SWR, some unavoidable. For example, about two months from the Schleicher mini-game, the DkP will join the SWR if it has not done so already. Just over two months from that, Zentrum (Right) will also join the SWR unless the foci Shuffle Prussian Ministries or Negotiate with Prussian Zentrum has been completed.

Events and foci may protect one or more parties from being targeted by the Schleicher government for a turn, and the first instance is just days after the Schleicher is appointed Chancellor when he will get to name his Vice-Chancellor. When the mini-game starts do NOT target any parties just yet, wait for the Vice-Chancellor event. Schleicher has three options: choose a SPD member (August Winnig), a conservative member (Tilo von Wilmowsky), or no one and keep it vacant. Traditionally the role of Vice-Chacelor went to the second largest party in the coalition, so appointing a partisan one will freeze the actions of the DU or SWR for that turn, while appointing no one will give Schleicher another party to flag, and can now flag four total.

The Man in the High Castle branch does not only help prevent Zentrum from falling under the DU/SWR, Schleicher can, with two foci (Construct the Propaganda Machine, and Forment a DVLP Split) create his own faction in the Reichstag, the Schleicher-Bloc. For the former, 20% of the DVLP, 10% of the SPD, and of the DkP will join; for the latter, 15% of the DVLP.

Schleicher must hold off both the DU and SWR, making sure neither gets to 223 seats until early November. Realistically he only needs to hold them off until the middle of October. If the SWR or DU did not vote on a motion of no confidence by then there will be no way for them to do so as it only comes at the end of the round, which won’t be until mid November. But each may come to power between the middle of October and beginning of November through the Ruhrkampf, explained below.

Minister-President of Prussia[]

GER Prussian MinisterPresident — Prussian M-P Event Chain

For a flow chart of Prussian Ministers-President (including through the DU path).

Historically the office of the Minister-President (M-P) of Prussia, the head of the federal state’s government, was simultaneously held by the Chancellor. That changed not long after the March Constitution reforms. From them, the Reichstag could dismiss the Chancellor, which in effect meant it could also dismiss the Minister-President of Prussia. When Matthias Erzberger, a progressive Catholic politician from Württemberg was appointed Chancellor, politicians in Prussia had enough and convinced Emperor Wilhelm, as the King of Prussia, to appoint someone else as Minister-President. Thus, from that time to 1936 the office was decoupled from that of the Chancellor. When then M-P Roedern was appointed Chancellor to replace Dirksen he retained his original office, and when Schleicher was appointed to replace Roedern as Chancellor, Roedern retained the M-Pship again. Schleicher will speak out against the continued decoupling, arguing that due to the economic crisis the Empire should consolidate its resources and have Prussia permanently led once more by the Chancellor. A week after coming to power, he may choose to ask the King to appoint him as such.

It is weighted in favor to grant Schleicher his request (75/25), but if he is denied, the trait of the M-P of Prussia will turn negative, possibly from becoming angry at the prospect of losing his office.

If Schleicher does not ask or was denied, Roedern will stay in office but not for long. Roughly two months later, the Prussian legislature will lose confidence in his leadership and he will resign. It will be mostly cosmetic as his replacement, Adolf von Batocki-Friebe, will retain the center and right coalition, along with most of the Ministers.

Batocki-Friebe won’t be in office for two weeks until the coalition falls apart due to inter-party bickering, and the King will dissolve the Prussian lower house and call a snap election. Ewald von Kleist-Schmenzin, a vocal critic of the Schleicher government, will be named the new M-P.

At any time before Kleist-Schmenzin takes over, if the focus Reshuffle Prussia Ministries is completed, the M-P at the time (Roedern or Batocki-Friebe) will stay in office and will not be removed. If the focus SPD in Wilhelmstraße 63 (the address of the Prussian State Ministry, the Cabinet) is completed instead, Otto Braun, a member of the SPD will be appointed the new M-P, and will likewise not be able to be removed.

Zentrum Succession Crisis[]

GER Zentrum Crisis — Zentrum Succession Crisis Event Chain

By the end of May 1936, Zentrum will find itself in a succession crisis when Chairman Theodor von Guérard announces his resignation. His departure spells ill for Schleicher as during the party’s convention to elect a new Chairman, no Zentrum faction can be flagged by the government.

Trade unionist and leader of Zentrum in the Reichstag Adam Stegerwald will be nominated by the Party as Guérard’s replacement. His candidacy is not without opposition, as many would only accept him if he gives up his leadership position in the Reichstag.

He may negotiate with the detractors, who will propose that the Chairmanship be split into a Triumvirate, with himself, Josef Joos and Hugo Mönnig.
- If Stegerwald agrees, the convention will reject it, and Joos, Mönnig end up running against him. Joos will drop out while the southern Catholics will nominate another candidate, Fritz Schäffer. With the three men on the ballot the election will deadlock. After negotiations, Stegerwald will be kept as Zentrum leader in the Reichstag, while the party will share leadership, with Mönnig at its head. Zentrum will be aligned to no faction. (Schleicher will be able to flag one less party per turn to protect it from joining the DU or SWR)
- If Stegerwald refuses he will drop out of the race. The Triumvirate will go ahead with a replacement for Stegerwald, but it will be rejected by the convention. Fritz Schäffer will announce his candidacy, and easily win against Joos and Mönnig. Zentrum will be aligned with the SWR. (Schleicher will be able to flag one less party per turn to protect it from joining the DU or SWR)

If Stegerwald stands firm, federalists in the party will balk at his candidacy, as it risks splitting the party. The Party’s board will suggest a Triumvirate as a compromise, with Joos, Mönnig, and the Vice-Chancellor under Dirksen, Heinrich Brüning.
- If the federalists in the party reject the compromise, progressives in the party will nominate a third candidate for the Chairmanship, Carl Ulitzka, who will unexpectedly win a majority of the vote. Zentrum will be aligned with the DU. (Schleicher will be able to flag one less party per turn to protect it from joining the DU or SWR)
- If the federalists accept the compromise, it will be rejected by the convention. Joos will drop out, leaving Mönnig, and Brüning, against Stegerwald, who will come out victorious. Zentrum will be aligned with Chancellor Schleicher, and the Social Conservatives will join the coalition.

Ruhrkampf[]

If it’s not bad enough the new Chancellor has to deal with an economic catastrophe, and two hostile factions of the Reichstag seeking his ousting, another new challenge will appear at the end of June: the Ruhrkampf (or Ruhr Campaign). Spurred by Black Monday, the suppression of the socialist movement, and instability of the central government, a general strike in the Ruhr will be called.

The insurgency can actually work out to Chancellor Schleicher’s advantage. This will be his chance to secure power and rid himself of the DU and SWR’s power to remove him. The Ruhrkampf (or Ruhr Campaign) must be strung along without it getting too strong or too weak until November, but it requires a delicate balance.

Every 25 days the Intensity of the Ruhrkampf will increase by 10. If at the end of a turn Intensity is below 25, the Kaiser will dismiss Schleicher and appoint a DU government. Likewise, if Intensity is above 75 when the turn ends, the Kaiser will dismiss Schleicher and appoint a SWR government. But if a DU or SWR government came to power this way rather than by a vote of no confidence, the country’s base stability will take a hit.

In addition to Intensity Increasing each round, the end of a Black Monday turn may also raise or lower it. If Investment and Stability is greater than Stagnation and Economic Decline, Intensity will decrease by 10; if one is higher and one lower, no change will occur; and if both are lower Intensity will increase by 10.

At the Ruhrkampf start, three, one-time decisions are available, each decreases Intensity by 15. Additional decisions to both increase and decrease the Intensity (as well as the decision to end it) will be made available once the focus Escalate the Ruhrkampf has been completed.

Some associated events will also affect the Intensity. For example, a little under a month from the Ruhrkampf’s start, if the focus Querverbindung was completed, or if the DU ousted Schleicher, friendly unions will come out against the strike, lowering its Intensity. If Schleicher is still in office and the focus is not completed, Intensity will NOT raise.

A month to a month and a half into the strikes, the first victims will be claimed when far-right activists assassinate their socialist opponents. No matter which side the government sympathizes with, it may lead to sending in the army into the Ruhr. The Intensity gained by activating the mission will be reduced when the mission completes (technically fails). Six divisions simply need to be in the state to complete.

A little bit after the first casualties of the strikes, Schleicher (if still in office) will be given the chance to visit the Ruhr in hopes to calm the situation. There are three outcomes:

60% chance he makes a good impression, lowering Intensity by 15.
30% chance it backfires, increasing Intensity by 15.
10% chance Communist Workers' Party of Germany member Erich Meilke will unsuccessfully attempt to assassinate him. Intensity will increase by 25, and if the mission to send troops into the Rhur was not already given, it will activate.

Late Ruhrkampf[]

During the latter stages of the Ruhrkampf, there are a couple important events to note. First, after the strikes reach Luxembourg, the fed up Prime Minister Joseph Bech will unveil a new law set to combat the growth of socialism in the state: the Law for the Defence of the Social and Political Order. It will allow the state government to outlaw any organizations that it deems a threat to the constitution (ie. socialist organizations). The government in Berlin could simply watch how it goes, with the bill passing the state legislature, but Bech will put the law to a public vote (the results of which are never seen). If Schleicher is still Chancellor, or the SWR took power, the Imperial government can back the law, negating a need for Beck to call a public vote on it once it passes the state legislature. In addition to removing the Ruhrkampf in Luxembourg, it will lower the Intensity of it, and will have ramifications further down the road for Schleicher.

In early November things will take a turn when, during the absence of the Duke and his family, the government of the Duchy of Brunswick will be forced to flee the state due to a socialist uprising and proclamation of a socialist republic. Scarring the Reichstag into action, members will rally around Chancellor Schleicher (if still in office) who will finally play his trump card: the passing of the Enabling Act. It gives the Chancellor the power to enact executive decrees only with the support of the Kaiser, bypassing the Reichstag, and suspends any motions of no confidence for the duration of the Act. The Reichstag will still hold the power to declare war, and may revoke the Act once the crisis can be considered over. With this Act Schleicher will have solidified power and will not be ousted by the opposition, even if Ruhrkampf Intensity is too high or too low.

Shortly thereafter, the Bundesrat (the upper house of the German legislature) will meet to discuss a Reichsexekution on Brunswick. An Exekution, never used in the history of the Empire, is an intervention against a federal state from the condition that the state does not fulfill its constitutional duties. Going straight for an invasion, the government will have 20 days to send in troops (9 divisions) to the state of Hanover to quell the upstart republic.

If troops are sent, troops of the Imperial army will quickly scatter the revolutionaries. The republic’s government will be rounded up and executed. A State Commissar will be appointed by Schleicher to oversee the state government and restoration of order throughout the Duchy. Successfully carrying out the Reichsexekution will have ramifications further down the road for Schleicher.
If troops are not sent in in time, the people of Brunswick will take matters into their own hands and overthrow the republic themselves. A White Terror will follow, with vengeful citizens executing anyone suspected of involvement with the republic. Schleicher’s government will appoint a military government to oversee the Duchy until civil control can be restored. An unsuccessful Reichsexekution will have ramifications further down the road for Schleicher.
- Though the Revolution in Brunswick was defeated, violence will continue in pockets for months. An assassination attempt on the Duke will claim the life of his wife, Viktoria Louise, daughter of Kaiser Wilhelm II.

With Schleicher in power, it is safe to reduce the Intensity down to zero and take the decisions to finally put an end to the Ruhrkampf. It can also be done once he is ousted by the DU or SWR as well. If the Ruhrkampf, for whatever reason, kept going until 1938, it will come to an end in the first three months, turning into an insurgency (but aside from removing the state modifiers, there is no further content).

Shared Content[]

Mitteleuropa[]

Mitteleuropa, officially the Central European Economic Union, is an economic alliance established by Germany at the end of the Weltkrieg. The Mitteleuropa tab is not immediately available upon game start, only opening up on New Year’s Day 1937.

Every 180 days the Mitteleuropa Conference will be held where delegates from the member states will meet and enact the Agenda chosen by the Mitteleuropa President (initially held by Germany).

Throughout the 180 days, member states can choose and support one of various types of Agendas. It could be anything from the building of a civilian factory, to financial injections into the economy, or even getting Imperial German experts to help with arms productions. Support comes in the form of the country’s Agenda Score, based on the number of controlled factories it has. The Score can be increased by spending PP, as only the top three Agendas can be chosen from once the 180 days are up.

The winning Agenda, chosen by the Mitteleuropa President, will apply to each and every member state in Mitteleuropa. For Agendas that apply to a state, the one shown when hovering over the available Agenda might not be the one it applies to. Setting the Agenda and hovering over it in the Most Supported Agenda section will show exactly which state it applies to. Also, once a month an Agenda can be changed if desired.

Not available to the President of Mitteleuropa for obvious reasons, a member state may use their Agenda to call for a new shakeup in leadership and have itself installed as the new President.

When the tab unlocks, so does the Mitteleuropa tree. There are two paths, one shared by Schleicher and the SWR, and one for the DU, which contrast greatly. The foci in the tree will unlock more Agendas that can be voted on, some need to be passed to progress down the tree, and will improve the Mitteleuropa national spirit.

Schleicher and the SWR will increase German control over the bloc, passing favorable resolutions and acts.
- Once the 2WK is over, Germany can achieve total control over the Mitteleuropa states by demanding their submission, turning them into puppets. Germany won’t retaliate if a member says no, but if the member was a former puppet, it will gain a war goal.
The DU will expand democratic pluralism in the bloc, evening the playing field for the other states at the expense of Germany.
- Once the 2WK is over, the government will call a conference in Munich to apply the democratic reforms it brought to the bloc to the world. The goal is an international arbitrator, the Union of Nations, which will put an end to war once and for all.
  - Every country in the world will receive the invitation, but socialist countries will be less likely to join. For each nation that joins, they will receive a national spirit, which among other things, will increase the time to justify a war goal. Germany on the other hand, will receive a dynamic national spirit decreasing the time it can justify by 1% for each member of the Union.

Direction of the Military[]

Along with the Mitteleuropa tab, which unlocks on January 1, 1937, the military tree will also unlock a few days later.

GER Military Tree Effects — Army and Industry Branch Effects

It can be broken down into five branches:

Foci that reforms the army on the left (Yearning for Cannae) (Cannae being the Battle of Cannae where Hannibal encircled and annihilated a much larger Roman army.) The branch focuses on mobile units, tanks, motorized, mechanized, etc…
A dynamic branch in the middle unique to each of the three political paths (more on those below).
A branch on the right that deals with industry (Establish the W-System) (The W-System will designate certain factories W-plants, to produce solely military products.) From the W-System two more branches will be available:
- The Air Force branch. Choosing who to promote to Commander of the Luftstreitkräfte (Air Combat Forces), by focus, will decide which sector of the air force the government will invest in.
- Taking the focus The Operational Air War promotes Walther Wever, who will focus on long range bombing.
- Taking Shattering Swords will promote Wolfram von Richtofen, who will focus on close air support and fighters.
- Taking Destruction of Will will promote Robert Knauss, who will focus on strategic bombers.
  
  Navy and Air Force Branch Effects
The naval branch. There are two visions the government can endorse:
- Wolfgang Wegener who supports an aggressive fleet that will defeat the syndicalists in an open battle in the North Sea. Supporting him, by taking the focus Wegener Doctrine, will allow for the building of a heavy battleship called the H-Class.
- Erich Raeder supports a double-pole approach with an emphasis on carrier task groups, focusing German sea power not just in the North Sea but worldwide. Supporting him, by taking the focus Raeder Doctrine, will allow for the building of an aircraft carrier, the Graf Zeppelin.

Each leader, be it Schleicher, the SWR, or the DU, has allies in the military, with very different goals. Each of them has a certain hold (grip) over the military, which is used to take a focus in their branches. Grip can be increased through taking repeatable decisions, at the cost of PP.

Schleicher is allied to Die Fronde (The Revolt). Led by General Max Bauer, a contemporary of General Ludendorff, it believes in the total mobilization of the state to rally the largest army it can to outlast its enemy. With their support, Schleicher will centralize the branches of the armed forces into the Imperial Defence Force, or the Wehrmacht.
The SWR is allied to the Altgardisten (Old Guard). They want to keep the status quo, fiercely protective of their autonomy and traditions. The Altgardisten are not a faction as much as Die Fronde is, but can be considered the conservative establishment.
The DU is allied to the Reformisten (Reformists). As the name implies, seek to transform the Heer into a professional fighting force, building upon the reforms of the late Hans von Seeckt, former Chief of the German General Staff. With its support, the DU will create a centralized Reichskriegsamt (Imperial War Office) to coordinate the various states’ armed forces, who will be reorganized into a singular Deutsche Streitkräfte (German Armed Forces).

Unpreparedness[]

When war comes (be that with Russia or the Commune) Germany will be caught off guard. This will play out with a national spirit given at the onset of war called Lacking Preparedness. It starts out with a base of -10%, and is increased or decreased through player action up to the start of the 2WK. The full list can be seen below:

-4% if >150% debt
-4% if >180% debt
-4% if >199% debt
-4% if in a failstate (Goerdeler, Lejeune-Jung, Schwander)
-2% if has not finished either: Railway Nationalization (Schleicher), Deutsche Reichsbahn (SPD), or Military Railways (common)
-1% if has not finished Yearning for Cannae
-1% if has not finished The Second Einkreisungstheorie
-1% if has not finished Expand Kriegsschulen
-1% if has not finished either: Prepare for Wide Front Operations or Vanquish French Fortifications
-1% if has not finished Establish the W-System
-1% if has not finished Industriewerke Network
-1% if has not finished either: Expand Rifle Testing in WaPrüf-II, Develop Self-Propelled Artillery or Expand the HWA Automotive Section
-2% if has not finished either one of the three air doctrine starting focuses
-2% if has not finished either one of the three naval doctrine starting focuses
-1% if finished less than 10 industrial decisions
-2% if finished less than 5 industrial decisions
+2% if done decision War Preparedness Act (SPD)
+2% for the focus The National Defense State (Schleicher), and +1% for each focus in the Schleicher Wehrstaat focus branch

Two months after the war starts, the national spirit will slowly tick down (player choice to do it in the background or not) until it is removed. With each focus in the 2WK Tree (shown above) that reduces the modifier (the national spirit) faster, seven days will be removed from the two months.

During the war the government can crack down on sedition through the focus Anti-Sedition Laws. Ostensibly to combat socialist organizations, Schleicher or the SWR can take it a step further and go after the SPD as well. Even moreso, both can outright dissolve socialist organizations by completing the next focus, Dissolve Socialist Organizations. Both of these foci play into the SPD Agitation that has plagued Germany since the SPD were shut out of taking power.

SPD Agitation[]

With the prospect of a SPD government completely gone (Schleicher passed the Enabling Act or the SWR took power), SPD members, trade unionists, and socialist study groups will be itching to take the fight to the state to secure parliamentary rule in Germany. At the end of April or early May 1937, these groups will finally put their intentions to action and start a campaign of periodic agitation against the government.

Every two months an event will trigger that is a detriment to the state. This could be something as little as a rise in the SPD’s party popularity, or something bigger like a strike which damages civilian factories.

Though the events are unavoidable (even the start of the 2WK won’t stop them) certain decisions and foci can be taken to increase the time they trigger.

For Schleicher, the foc, Establish the Gewerkschaftsbund, and Mandatory Union Membership, and the event where August Winnig is suspended from the SPD, each increase the time between events by two levels. The first set increases the days by 20 (so 80 days between events), then 15 days (so 95 days between), then 10 days (so 105 days).
For the SWR, decisions alone will increase the time. From the focus Renew Anti-Socialist Laws), eight decisions of various effects will be available. Completing all eight will see the time the Agitation events occur double what it originally was, and will end up triggering 120 days apart.

To fully remove the Agitation events all the decisions found available from the focus Anti-Sedition Laws (in the 2WK tree) must be completed, as well as the focus Dissolve Socialist Organizations. When the last decision/focus completes, the democratic opposition will finally decline and fade away.

Schleicher Path[]

GER Schleicher Tree Effects — Schleicher Tree Effects

Post-Enabling Act[]

After the passage of the Enabling Act, Schleicher will be safe to start implementing his vision: Die Neuen Staates (The New State), ie. the centralization of Germany. This will put him in direct conflict with the federal states who don’t wish to see their beloved autonomy erased. But assuming he overcomes that hurdle, no part of society will be safe. Trade unions will be organized into a national Trade Union Confederation (Gewerkschaftsbund), and membership in unions will be compulsory. The railroads will be nationalized and merged to form the Deutsche Reichsbahn; Heer liaisons will be posted to state governments to cooperate policy in favor of the central government; the Prussian Secret Police will be nationalized and given authority over the whole of the Empire, not just Prussia; the powers and privileges of the Reichstag, and will cooperate with big business to implement a doctrine of National Autarky.

Schleicher’s pinnacle accomplishment will be the mediatisation (territorial restructuring) of Prussia. The Reichsland-Lösung (Reich Territory Solution), will see its state government abolished and administered directly by the Imperial Government. (If the focus of the same name is completed after the 2WK’s Schleicher Constitution, the rest of the Empire will be subjected like Prussia to a smaller extent. If it was completed before, The Schleicher Constitution will subjugate the rest of the states.)

Ever since the Chancellor came to power in the wake of the 1936 elections, his supporters have called on him to officialize his movement into an actual political movement, though he was never warm to the idea. Times have changed and he will give his blessing to the founding of the German National Unity Front (Deutschnationale Einheitsfront, DNEF). Though in keeping with his independent position, Schleicher will not become a member of the party, but will shape its direction and ideology.

DNEF Event Chain

National Unity Front[]

There is an eight long event chain covering the positions of the new party. Everything from membership, to its stance on parliamentarism, and even the monarchy. Generally speaking, the more vague the position is the better it will be for the stability of the country. More radical stances will raise various party popularities, and give PP. With the party’s founding, the DNEF will elect its first Chairman, Hans Luther.

Bavarian Nullification Crisis[]

Opposed to Schleicher at almost every turn is the government of Bavaria (under Minister-President Heinrich Held), the second largest state in the Empire, and the most to lose with Schleicher’s centralization program. There are six instances where Bavaria will bring Schleicher’s ‘gross violations of the Constitution’ to the Bundesrat (as it, though compared to an upper house of a legislature), the country’s highest constitutional court. The Bundesrat is composed of representatives of the country's member states; Prussia holds the largest vote share at 17, Bavaria second with six, and the rest of the states with four votes or less each.

The six instances are the completion of even one of the following five foci: Nationalise the Railways, Doctrine of National Autarky, Military Oversight of State Governments, Nationalise the Prussian Secret Police, or Break Down the Rules of Legislation. The sixth is a failsafe to make sure the Crisis occurs if none of those foci were yet completed: in December 1937 Schleicher will push through the next year’s budget using the Enabling Act, declaring it an ‘emergency budget’.

No matter what the Chancellor does to infuriate Bavaria, it will take its case to the Bundesrat, the first time a state has sued the Imperial government in this way. If Schleicher is the M-P of Prussia, the Bundesrat will find no violations in his actions, or if he is not the M-P it will pass a token resolution but will take no action against him.

Undaunted, Bavaria will declare that all the ‘illegal’ laws proclaimed using the Enabling Act will not be recognized in the Kingdom of Bavaria and will not be enforced within its borders. The Bavarian Nullification Crisis will begin.

Every action Schleicher has taken up to this point will be scrutinized, including the next step. He may negotiate with Bavaria to resolve it, but the talks will go nowhere (though Schleicher will be seen in a slightly better light having tried negotiating). His Cabinet will meet to discuss how to handle the Nullification. First, the Reichstag could pass an act declaring the Enabling Act a piece of Constitutional Law, preventing it or acts from it from being ignored and declared illegal by the states. Second, with enough support, the Bundesrat can pass another Reichsexekution and remove Held’s government, replacing it with a temporary government appointed by Berlin.

What the Cabinet will decide on is a combination of the two: the Reichsexekution, but also an amendment to the Enabling Act allowing the Imperial Government to outright dismiss any state government that does not follow the terms of an Imperial law (bypassing the need for another Reichsexekution in specific cases). It will just need to secure the support of a majority of the Bundesrat to make it happen.

Instead of fighting, Schleicher can just admit defeat and resign from all offices effective immediately. Close ally Carl Goerdeler will be appointed Chancellor. Goerdeler will enter into negotiations with Bavaria, which will bear fruit. Many Enabling Act laws will be overturned, the Bundesrat will have veto power over laws passed under it, and the government will no longer be able to use the Act to infringe on a state’s autonomy.

Crisis Event Chain[]

GER Bavarian Nullification Crisis Chain — Nullification Crisis Event Chain

A simple majority in the Bundesrat is needed to pass the Reichsexekution. A state will vote as a bloc, so the opening tally will be 18 votes for the Reichsexekution (the Kingdom of Prussia (17) and Principality of Waldeck and Pyrmont (1) voting in favor), and 6 votes for Nullification (Bavaria (6) voting against it). There are a total of 63 votes in the Bundesrat, so 32 votes are needed to pass the Reichsexekution (50% +1).

All the other states will be undeclared and their vote up for grabs. It is Schleicher’s game to lose, and must convince them to support him through a few different means. PP will be spent to do so, but it is not a foregone conclusion how the state will vote. Depending on the state up for a vote, Schleicher has a few options: focus on Bavaria’s unreasonable demands, on his attempts to build a stronger Empire, reaching out to an ally in the state, sending the Vice-Chancellor to negotiate (if one was named), to promise to lift the Enabling Act, or even threaten the government into cooperation.

How it will vote is determined by up to 17 different actions the Schleicher government has taken since he took power in April 1936, and the applicable ones are shown when hovering over the event options. It is not necessarily over two dozen actions as many are two sides of the same coin (For example, founding the National Unity Front will be welcomed by some for the stability it brings, but hated by those who despise the centralization aspect of it.) Considering that one of the major infringes against Bavaria spurs its Nullification, actions like the founding the National Unity Front and the nationalization of the Prussian Secret Police are mutually exclusive.

Reddit user Chimpcookie had a great write up already detailing each of the events, their options, and how previous actions affect how the state will vote, so check it out here.

Once voting has ended one side will have a majority (32 votes or more). If the Reichsexekution passes, Held and his government will be dismissed by the King of Bavaria and a State Commissar (Ludwig Steibert) will be appointed by Schleicher’s government. With Bavaria out of the way, no other state would dare stand up to Schleicher or else suffer the same fate. Two weeks later, if Schleicher had not been appointed M-P of Prussia, he will petition the King who will grant it.

If Reichsexekution did not get a majority the Bundesrat will dismiss the government’s request, in effect consenting to the nullification. Schleicher will resign in shame from all offices. Close ally Carl Goerdeler will be appointed Chancellor. Goerdeler will enter into negotiations with Bavaria, which will bear fruit. Many Enabling Act laws will be overturned, the Bundesrat will have veto power over laws passed under it, and the government will no longer be able to use the Act to infringe on a state’s autonomy.

Agrarian Crisis[]

Germany has been in an agriculture crisis since the late 1920s, and Black Monday only exacerbated the underlying problems. Add an ineffective State Secretary of Agriculture who has only alienated business and trade unionists alike, and the situation can get much, much worse. To combat this Schleicher will reshuffle the Ministry, appointing a new Secretary and Under-Secretary.

Two names are on his short list:

Gunther Gereke, a conservative expert on agriculture policy, working alongside the liberal Fritz Baade. Baade is a fellow agrarian expert but also a rewound economist, who led the reformation of the SPD’s agrarian policy in the 1920s. Gereke would be appointed the State Secretary, while Baade the Under-Secretary. Gereke-Baade would bring to the Ministry a clean break from the policies of the old Secretary, with a new and innovative approach due to their cross party reach.
Hermann von Lüninck, on the other hand, a Catholic agricultural functionary from the Rhineland, represents the old order but with a pragmatic twist. Lüninck’s vision involves close cooperation between agriculture and industry, and the bringing together of the largest Protestant and Catholic agricultural unions in a cautious yet firm approach to break the dominance of the eastern Junkers.

No matter who is chosen, each will receive five decisions to alleviate the effects of a previous disorderly agrarian policy. Certain decisions, when completed with a focus from Schleicher’s political tree, will trigger associated events.

Post-War[]

Note if Goerdeler became Chancellor, the normal Post-War content for Schleicher’s path will not be available (see Elections below). Once Germany stands victorious over both the Commune of France and Russia, Schleicher can see his dream through of a codified centralized state: his pièce de résistance, a list of constitutional changes, dubbed the Schleicher Constitution. The Bundesrat will be replaced with a corporatist body, the Ständekammer (Chamber of Estates), representing not the states of the country but professions. With 500 members of the Chamber, during its first session held some time later, DNEF Chairman Hans Luther will be elected the Ständekammer’s first Chairman. In addition, the Supreme Command of the Heer would also be able to veto any state’s cabinet minister appointment, effectively giving it the power of the state's civilian policy. The government will go further later on, banning all other political parties, forcibly removing state governments for permanent appointment of State Commissars, and the Kaiser (who still has the power to remove the Chancellor) will be turned into a figurehead, with no executive power.

GER Schleicher Post-War Events — Schleicher's Political Post-2WK Branch Events

Schleicher will not bask in this glory for two long as not three weeks later will announce his resignation due to health issues. His retirement will be just as short, passing away four months later.

There are two to three candidates who can succeed him:

General Ferdinand von Bredow, a candidate from the Heer. Choosing Bredow will shift the DNEF to paternal autocrat and elections will not be held.
The Vice Chancellor, August Winnig or Tilo von Wilmowsky, if one was appointed, for an easy transition.
Carl Goerdeler, allowing the government to return to a civilian head, which will boost its popularity with the masses.

Post-War Elections[]

With Winnig, Wilmowsky, or Goerdeler as Chancellor after Schleicher resigned after the promulgation of his Constitution, the government will win Reichstag elections with ease as no serious opposition exists.

If on the other hand Goerdeler came to power after Schleicher failed to pass the Reichsexekution, or resigned at the start of the Crisis, competitive democratic elections will be held. Goerdeler can lead the remnants of the Schleicher Clique (as a member of the DkP) to victory, but will be locked out of the post-war content. Only the two other parties will have content available: Zentrum (which possibly reformed into the CVP (see DU Post-War Elections for its content and Chancellors below) or the LVP. The LVP under party leader Rudolf Schwander will band with the socialists and win enough support to come to power. Its post-war content (tree above) will replace the SDP’s branch on the focus tree. Elections will be held every five years with the same parties and leaders.

Bauer Coup[]

Whether Schleicher or Goerdeler is Chancellor, if the 2WK really takes a turn for the worse his military allies, Die Fronde, will turn on the government.

If Germany has a 50%+ surrender rate, still has access to the sea by owning a coastal province (still connected to the capital), and has fewer divisions than BOTH Russia and the Commune of France) the Kaiser and his family will flee Germany to foreign shores. Reports that the government intends to set up a government in exile (vis-a-vis France and the United Kingdom) will be its nail in the coffin. Filling that void and declaring their intent to save Germany General Bauer will make his move. Arresting the government and dissolving the German and Prussian legislatures, Bauer will be named the Supreme Commander of the German Empire and Leader of the National Salvation Government, and Waldemar Pabst his second in command.

If Bauer is able to turn things around and actually defeat the Commune and Russia, the future of the regime will be called into question. He can stay in power under a junta, creating a new Germany with himself at the top as its Führer, or he can invite the Hohenzollerns back. The latter will not see Wilhelm III (or his father if he did not die yet) restored, but his son Wilhelm enthroned as Wilhelm IV.

SWR Path[]

Konservative Revolution[]

The SWR can come to power in two ways. First, if it successfully reaches 223 votes in the Reichstag to pass a motion of no confidence. The second, if Ruhrkampf Intensity gets too high (over 75) when it escalates (the end of the times mission), the SWR will convince the Kaiser only it can end the Ruhrkampf and Schleicher will be forced to resign. Though it is easier to gain a SWR government through the Ruhrkampf a large base stability hit will accompany it.

In either case, the DVLP and the DkP (as the two largest parties in the coalition) will not request either of their leaders (Ulrich von Hassell and Kuno von Westarp, respectively) be named Chancellor, but will instead offer an independent, compromise candidate for the role: Ewald von Kleist-Schmenzin. A fierce critic of former Chancellor Schleicher, the Oberpräsident of the Prussian state of Pomerania is a conservative ideologue, hostile to the parliamentary process. Leading the first conservative cabinet in over a decade, the SWR government will seek to undo many of the March Reforms.

Most of the parties in the SWR at the time it comes to power, as shown in the decision tab, will lend their support to its control of the Reichstag:

If Zentrum (Right) is in the SWR, its center wing will lend its support as well; and if Zentrum (Center) is in the SWR, its left wing will offer its. The latter will see the Social Conservatives join the coalition. But with the Soc Cons in the coalition, one of the DVLP’s foci will be inaccessible.
If the Minor Liberal Parties are in the SWR, the Market Liberals will join the coalition.
In addition to the aforementioned parties (and the obvious DVLP, and DkP), the Agrarians, and Guelph Party will support the SWR in the Reichstag. The Far-Right Parties will NOT count towards the SWR seat count in the Reichstag.

GER SWR Tree Effects — SWR Political Tree Effects

GER SWR Tree Events — SWR Political Tree Events

Kleist must tread carefully between the two main forces of the Coalition. Coalition Strength will start out at 50, being dead set in the middle of 0 to 100. The higher the Strength the more powerful the DVLP is, and conversely, the lower the Strength the more powerful the DkP will be. Though shown in the decision tab, the Coalition Strength is also measured by Hassell’s Advisor trait, which will change as the power between the two parties tilts from one side to another.

The Balance of Power between the two parties is important because the SWR’s political focus tree is split between DVLP and DkP foci. Some require one to be dominant, or both to be in a balance. The balance will change from many sources, be it events, decisions, and the hiring of advisors (who, if there is PP to be spent, can be used to complete the entire tree with little repercussions).

There are 10 foci in each branch, and the number taken will help decide whether the DVLP or DkP take power once the 2WK is over. Coalition Strength does not determine it. At the bottom of each branch in the tree is a focus that will guarantee the DkP or DVLP lead the post-war government, but it requires the party to have total control of the coalition (0 for the DkP and 100 for the DVLP).

The focus Renew the Anti-Socialist laws will give eight decisions of various effects that will erode the support of the SPD and lay the groundwork to eventually ban it. These decisions are also used to combat SPD Agitation, increasing the time between which the events trigger. Staggering as each one is completed, all eight will double the original time of 60 days, ending up with 120 days between each one.

One of the decisions, Spread Rumours of Internationale Contacts, will lead to trials of the leaders of the Rhurkampf, accusing them of being in league with Syndicalist Intelligence units. If this occurs after the SPD started their campaign of agitation against the government, it will spark another strike in the Ruhr. If it is not put down within 20 days, DkP members will criticize the inaction of the government and 10% of the party members will split and form an independent conservative group, leaving the coalition.

While not an event from the focus tree, there is an interesting flavor event concerning Kleist’s family home (available for any of the German paths), which is triggered when Russia invades and occupies the state of Farther Pomerania.

Hugenburg Crisis[]

Alfred Hugenberg, the ever ambitious 2nd Chairman of the DVLP, media mogul, and golden boy of the far-right will demand a place in the new government not long after the SWR comes to power. Specifically he wants the Economic office. Unliked by even the leaders of his own party (especially after he lost the previous Chairmanship election in 1929 which he never will forget) granting him an office may be a way to rein him in. But he’s divisive, very influential, and bankrolls the DVLP so denying his request will not go over well.

From this point on a clique will form in the DVLP of those who support Hugenberg, which causes a rift in the party to form. From events and decisions each will grow until the situation becomes unstable and the DVLP risks splitting apart.

Hugenberg Appointed[]

GER Hugenburg Crisis - Appointed — Hugenberg Appointed

If Hugenberg is granted the position, roughly 35% of the current DVLP members will side with him, and the Party Rift will start at 25%. Shortly thereafter Hugeneberg will demand an ally of his be named the Labor Secretary; agreeing to the request will increase Hugenberg’s support, while denying it increases party rift.

After a few months Hugenberg will publish a white paper (also known as a policy, or position paper) outlining his office’s plans for the economy on behalf of the government. The ‘Urgent Measures’ as the paper’s thirteen points are described as, are suspiciously the same as his own political and personal beliefs. The Paper will draw criticism, both from its contents and that it was indeed unsanctioned and uncoordinated.

If the government distances itself from it, Hugenberg will claim that the Paper represents the program of the DVLP. Hugenberg can be removed from office, or DVLP Chairman sit him down for talks first, but it will only further the rift in the party. Whether he is removed or not, Hassell will call an emergency party conference to be held in four months to settle the Hugenberg question once and for all.
Letting Hugenberg do as he likes will only see his support grow. A Hugenberg ally in the Reichstag will propose the ‘Socialist Restriction Acts’, curtailing the powers of unions and outlawing those it deems socialist in nature. Though the government does not outright oppose the act, it would rather wait until after the Internationale is defeated before enacting such laws.
- Denying Hugenberg the legislative win will see him split with the government and go on the attack. In response, Hassell will call an emergency party conference to be held in four months to settle the Hugenberg question once and for all.
- If the law is passed, the focus Renew the Anti-Socialist Laws will be completed and the decisions made available. Embolden, Hugenberg will go after the volksconservatives (moderate conservatives of the DkP), who will respond by calling for Hugenberg’s firing. But as he funds the DVLP, and if he is fired the party may collapse.
  - While not outright firing him, Hugenberg will read the room and go on the attack against the government. In response, Hassell will call an emergency party conference to be held in four months to settle the Hugenberg question once and for all.
  - Denying the moderates’ request will see them break with the coalition. Half of the DkP will form the Konservative Volkspartei (Conservative People’s Party) and no longer sit with the SWR. In response, Hassell will call an emergency party conference to be held in four months to settle the Hugenberg question once and for all.

Hugenberg Denied[]

GER Hugenburg Crisis - Denied — Hugenberg Denied

If Hugenberg is denied the position, roughly 30% of the current DVLP members will side with him, and the Party Rift will start at 35%. He will be quiet for a time, until a couple months later when he starts his attacks against the government.

Openly hostile, from this point on taking any foci from the SWR political tree may result in Hugenberg protesting the move. This applies to all 20 of the partisan foci in both branches. But it’s still only a chance, higher for the DkP side and lower for the DVLP.

When he protests he can be appeased at the cost of PP, initially. Each time he protests and is appeased the costs grow more and more. First PP, then base stability and DVLP Coalition Strength, followed by war support. Rather than appeasement, he can be ignored but it will further the party rift.

If the Party Rift reaches 50% or more, Hugenberg’s support will grow in the regional branches of the party. Generally members of the DVLP’s branches are much more partisan than those in the Reichstag, and don’t always agree with the party leadership. Hugenberg, seizing the opportunity, will call on Hassell to allow party members to openly criticize the Reichstag delegation. Correctly realizing this as the groundwork to oust him from the Chairmanship, Hassell can negotiate with Hugenberg (but it will only increase his support even more) or outright dismiss it (and further increase the party’s rift). In either case Hassell will call an emergency party conference to be held in four months to settle the Hugenberg question once and for all.

Technically speaking, if no options are chosen that increase party rift, the Emergency Conference does not have to take place at all if Hugenberg is denied the office. With enough luck no or very few protest events will trigger, and if they do, appeasing Hugenberg a few times can be mitigated easily. But the best case scenario is to get the conference as soon as possible with as low support for him and party rift as you can. While there is some more luck needed during the conference (explained below) a way to get rid of Hugenberg quickly is to deny him the Economic Office, and take the first event option which increases the rift.

Emergency Conference of the DVLP[]

The Conference will take place in four months, but in the meantime Hugenberg and Hassell will have to shore up support for themselves or defeat. When hovering over the Emergency Conference timed mission it will list the number of DVLP members who support Hugenberg, as well as the Party Rift percent. These numbers will decide which of the three outcomes occurs.

During the lead up to the Conference Hugenberg’s support will steadily grow every by thee every 20 days unless he is countered. Countering him by whipping the Reichstag Deputies will actually lower his support when the 20 days are up, but it will increase the party’s rift. That itself can be countered with the decision Inter-Partisan Amends, which can be taken every 25 days. Two others, one time decisions, to weaken his support/ increase party rift are also available.

Each time Hugenberg reaches out to grow his support there is a slight chance he may target a vulnerable member of the DVLP (or ally) and sway them to his side: this includes Magnus von Levetzow, Adolf von Trotha, Otto Schmidt, and Hans Schlange-Schöningen. Until he reaches out again, the member must be reassured Hassell is the right man to lead the DVLP or risk more DVLP following them in supporting Hugenberg and deepening the party’s rift.

When the Conference is finally help, there are three outcomes based on Hugenberg’s support and the strength of the Party Rift:

With a rift below 50% and Hugenberg’s support less than half of the DVLP, or if the Rift is above 50% but support below 25%, Hassell will handedly win. Marginalized in the party, Hugenberg will admit defeat and resign from all government positions.
If the Rift is above 50% and support is above 25% the DVLP will split. Hugenberg’s supporters in the DVLP will form a new political party, the German National State Party (Deutschnationale Reichspartei) and leave the coalition.
If the Party Rift is below 50% but Hugenberg commands more than half of the DVLP members, Hugenberg will call for a motion of no confidence in Hassell. Hassell will lose and Hugenberg will be elected the Chairman of the DVLP, achieving his goal a decade in the making.
- With Hugenberg at the helm, he will back a proposal which will allow him as the Party Chairman to decide if the party participates in a government, but this proposal will be extremely divisive.
- If it passes, Hugenberg will take the DVLP out of the SWR coalition. Hassell will lead the DVLP’s SWR supporters (70% of the DVLP members) to form a new party, the German National Party (Deutschnationale Partei) and rejoin the coalition.
- If it fails, Hugenberg will go on the warpath, purging any dissent in the ranks. This will fracture the party and Hugenberg will take the remnants of the DVLP out of the SWR coalition. But supporters of the SWR will rally around Hassell who, with 75% of the original DVLP members, will form a new party, the German National Party (Deutschnationale Partei) and rejoin the coalition.