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Germany, officially the German Empire (German: Deutsches Reich), is a country in Central Europe. A parliamentary constitutional monarchy composed of twenty-seven constituent states ruled by the Prussian Hohenzollern dynasty, the Empire is considered by many as the uncontested European hegemon, with far-reaching political and economic influence on almost all continents. Germany controls a vast overseas empire with colonial holdings in Africa, Asia, and the Pacific. Berlin's economic hegemony over most of mainland Europe is guaranteed by the Central European Customs Union, and a powerful military alliance colloquially known as the Reichspakt (Imperial Pact). Germany lies between the Baltic and North Sea to the north and the Alps to the south. The Empire and its 27 constituent states are bordered by Denmark to the North, Poland and Lithuania to the east, Austria-Hungary and Switzerland to the south, and the Commune of France, Flanders-Wallonia, and the Netherlands to the west.
Between its proclamation following the decisive 1870-71 Franco-Prussian War and the onset of the cataclysmic Great War in 1914, Germany rose to notoriety as the disruptor of the delicate global power balance. However, the triumph of the Central Powers in 1919 allowed Germany to realise its imperial aspirations and carve out its coveted "place in the sun" - albeit at the cost of embracing sweeping internal reforms. These reforms ushered in a new era, transforming Germany into a parliamentary monarchy, a contentious transformation that remains the focal point of political debate within the Empire to this day.
History[]
Unification[]
In January 1871, Germany was finally united due to the efforts of Prussian Minister-President Otto von Bismarck, the eventual "Iron Chancellor": Through a series of meticulously orchestrated conflicts, strategically waged against Denmark, Austria, and France, Prussia ascended to the position of Central Europe's preeminent power, culminating in the proclamation of the German Empire within the grandeur of Louis XIV's palace at Versailles.
During the reign of Kaiser Wilhelm I, and the two decades-spanning tenure of Reichskanzler Bismarck, Germany adopted a conciliatory foreign policy stance and assumed the role of a benevolent counterweight and impartial mediator among the European powers. However, in 1888, the reign of Wilhelm I came to an end, and tragically, his son and heir, Friedrich III, succumbed to incurable throat cancer a mere 99 days later. Following that, Friedrich's son Wilhelm II, ascended to the throne. Dissatisfied with Bismarck's perceived leniency, the Kaiser dismissed him in 1890. In his place, Wilhelm II appointed individuals more amenable to an assertive foreign policy, signaling a shift in Germany's diplomatic strategy.
A Place in the Sun[]
The ascension of Wilhelm II heralded the beginning of the Wilhelmine Era, marked by a swift rise in militarism, nationalism, and imperialist ambitions. To transform Germany into a respected global power and secure its "place in the sun", the Emperor and his puppet chancellors adopted a more erratic foreign policy, alienating the established European powers. Following the advice of Grand Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz, Germany entered into a tense naval rivalry with Britain and departed from Bismarck's intricate system of protective alliances, notably with Russia. This isolation of Germany ultimately led to the establishment of the British-French-Russian Triple Entente.
Europe came close to war for the first time in 1911 with the Agadir Crisis, a clumsy attempt by Berlin to contest French rule over Morocco in return for Central African colonial concessions. This crisis, adding to the Kaiser's reputation as an irresponsible firebrand, was defused without a war breaking out - but the outbreak had been merely delayed for a few years. Tensions continued to mount, leading to the further consolidation of existing power blocs, which became increasingly unified and diametrically opposed to each other. The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in Sarajevo on June 28, 1914, served as the tipping point that pushed tensions to their breaking point: Only one month later, war had broken out in Continental Europe.
Weltkrieg[]
- Main article: Weltkrieg
In July 1914, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia in retaliation and Germany rallied to her side, bound by alliance treaties and under the assumption that a potential European conflict could swiftly and easily be resolved. The involvement of Russia and France complicated matters, however, and following invasions of Luxembourg and Belgium for strategic purposes, which drew Britain into the conflict, the outlook grew increasingly bleak. The German army's initial progress was halted at the Marne, marking the onset of a deadlock in the Western Front that would shape the course of the entire conflict. In the East, however, the astute strategic planning of Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff averted an Russian invasion of East Elbia, and enabled Germany's advance deep into Russian Poland the following year,
German domestic policy during the early stages of the war was marked by the so-called "Burgfriedenspolitik" (castle peace policy), a political strategy of national unity and cooperation across party lines akin to the French Sacred Union. Spearheaded by Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, it aimed to set aside internal conflicts and foster a sense of solidarity in support of the war effort in the spirit of the August experience of 1914. Although some Social Democrats persisted in opposing the war, the majority of the SPD could thus be persuaded to support it, bridging the divide between the political left and the moderate establishment. However, the growing acceptance of the political left bred resentment among the political right, ultimately casting doubts on Bethmann-Hollweg's policies in the long run. This soon resulted in tensions, notably concerning naval warfare. Bethmann, who also prioritised maintaining positive relations with neutral countries, particularly the United States, opposed the resumption of the unrestricted submarine warfare campaign, which drew criticism from within the navy and army, notably from figures like Tirpitz himself.
1916 proved to be a devastating year for the German war effort: The Russian Brusilov Offensive, the costly setback at Verdun, and Romania's entrance into the conflict proved insurmountable for Erich von Falkenhayn's General Staff. Consequently, Falkenhayn was replaced as Chief of the German General Staff by Hindenburg and his close associate Ludendorff, celebrated for their pivotal roles in the Battle of Tannenberg and their successes in the East. Revered as almost mythical figures, they wielded immense authority over military affairs and even began to shape domestic policies, gradually tightening their hold on the German government by frequently threatening resignation unless their demands were met - a threat the civilian government always heeded due to their formidable reputations as strategic geniuses. This dynamic was most evident in July 1917 when the Third OHL openly supported the anti-Bethmann front. By then, trust in Bethmann had significantly waned due to his persistent opposition to unrestricted submarine warfare and his vocal support for reform initiatives advocated by democratic-leaning parties in the Reichstag. His controversial proposal to reform the Prussian Three-Class Franchise further isolated him, a situation Ludendorff exploited to pressure the Kaiser into dismissing Bethmann.
- Main article: Ludendorff Dictatorship
However, even as the military tightened its grip on the country, democratic influence gradually increased. Already in 1916, the Burgfrieden truce had begun to crumble, and the democratic majority in the Reichstag - comprising the Social Democrats (SPD), the Social Liberals (FVP), and the Catholic conservatives (Zentrum) - started to advocate for parliamentary reform and a swift conclusion to the war. This culminated in Kaiser Wilhelm's famous Easter Promise in spring 1917. Bethmann's resignation prompted the appointment of various partisan-aligned state secretaries into the government, an unprecedented occurrence in German history and a major step towards parliamentarisation. The three parties eventually established the Inter-Faction Committee (IFA), a coordination body for discussions on internal democratic reforms and peace initiatives. The Reichstag Peace Resolution of 1917 showcased their determination to oppose the war's continuation if necessary, effectively quashing the far-right's ambitions for extensive annexations.
The disintegration of Russia into revolution and eventual civil war throughout 1917 emboldened the emerging German far-left, who aimed to replicate similar upheaval on the home front. The supply conditions in Germany had turned dire due to the continued British naval blockade, with hunger, scarcity, and wartime frustrations empowering left-leaning SPD deputies to break away from their party in April 1917, leading to the formation of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD). Loosely associated with this movement were even more radical activists from groups like the Spartacist League, the Bremen Left-Wing Radicals, and other fringe organisations. Following the unyielding stalemate in the Western Front throughout 1918, these factions launched a socialist uprising in September 1918 that quickly spread and required front line units to be suppressed.
As a concession to public sentiment, a wartime coalition government led by non-partisan diplomat Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau, known for his mediation skills and progressive leanings, was appointed. The Brockdorff Cabinet marked the first government in German history to possess a genuine parliamentary foundation. However, while a series of immediate ad hoc democratic reforms, such as a Prussian suffrage reform, were enacted, the military's sway persisted and was evident in expanded censorship and the long-awaited resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare in November 1918. As expected, relations with the United States, the country most affected by the policy, suffered almost instantly, and their diplomatic relations with Germany were soon severed after the sinking of several American ships. By permitting limited progressive reforms internally, Germany maintained a semblance of legitimacy and democracy to the external world. This facade facilitated the OHL's expansion of influence and allowed for increased pressure on the government in a more covert manner. Furthermore, in the event of Germany's defeat in the war— a scenario not yet determined by late 1918— Ludendorff believed it would be convenient to attribute the loss to the progressive reformers, thereby absolving himself of blame.
It wasn't until August 1919, when Germany, teetering on the edge of collapse, finally claimed victory. Berlin's fortunes turned as France succumbed to internal strife beforehand. An armistice was brokered on August 12, 1919, in Chantilly, paving the way for subsequent peace talks. The Treaty of Versailles in November 1919 resolved matters in the west, while peace negotiations on other fronts would extend well into 1920.
The Fall of Ludendorff & Democratic Reform[]
- Main article: March Constitution
Even after the end of the war, the military's control remained deeply entrenched, even though all the democratic institutions continued to exist regularly as before and the Kaiser remained the highest authority; the OHL's sway was entirely based on the mystification of Hindenburg and Ludendorff, lacking any constitutional legal foundation. The driving force behind this complex construct was mostly the master schemer Ludendorff, while Hindenburg had primarily been the poster boy of the General Staff to the outside world. The precariousness of this de facto dictatorship also meant that its survival hinged on the perpetuation of a state of war, as peace rendered the military leadership dispensable. Essentially, a single decree by the Kaiser could then terminate it at any moment.
Civil unrest and demands for additional reforms were widespread, yet censorship persisted, civil liberties remained limited, and demobilization efforts lagged due to concerns of "national security." These concerns were justified by the highly volatile situation in Europe at the time, particularly the ongoing French and Russian Civil Wars. The common man began to fear that Germany might become encircled by a revanchist White Russia in the East and a socialist France in the west, and that there would always be an enemy to fight and thus neither the OHL’s dictatorship nor the continuous slaughter of German soldiers would end in any near future.
Throughout January and February, pacifist and pro-reform demonstrations shook most German cities, and in the Reichstag, a united pro-reform front of social democrats, liberals, and Catholics called for immediate demobilisation, further domestic reform, elections, and full parliamentarisation. A committee was established among the parties to negotiate and draft constitutional amendments, aimed at transforming the Empire into a genuine parliamentary monarchy. These efforts were not only endorsed by Reichskanzler Brockdorff, but also indirectly by the Kaiser himself, surprisingly. Having been marginalized throughout the war, Wilhelm saw supporting the reformist movement against the dominance of the OHL as a chance to reassert more control over internal affairs, potentially at the military's expense, positioning himself as the "People's Emperor" (Volkskaiser).
Ludendorff tried to counter his opponents via the Kaiser, whom he advised to dismiss the Chancellor and dissolve the Reichstag, if necessary via force. In case of non-compliance, he threatened to resign. Unbeknownst to him, however, his closest associate, Hindenburg, had engaged in talks with the reformists behind his back. Hindenburg, largely content with the given peace terms and reform agenda, as long as they didn't undermine military authority, silently supported the government's initiatives. In exchange, he sought assurances that the autonomy of the Imperial German Army would remain intact. Concerned that Ludendorff's uncompromising stance could escalate unrest and ultimately lead Germany to ruin, Hindenburg opted for a more pragmatic approach.
As a result, Ludendorff found himself isolated within the OHL, and when he tendered his resignation, expecting the Kaiser to reject it as usual, Wilhelm II saw through his ploy. Hindenburg never followed suit, and consequently, on February 13, 1920, Germany's once-feared "dictator" was ousted in a remarkably uneventful manner, merely being dismissed by the Kaiser after losing any significant leverage and support. Hindenburg himself retired a few months later as Chief of Staff, and withdrew to private life again as a celebrated war hero.
Following Ludendorff's resignation, the majority in the Reichstag swiftly convened and formulated a comprehensive reform agenda for the Bismarckian Constitution, later known as the "March Reforms" or "March Constitution". Among the pivotal changes were the complete parliamentarisation, which made the Reichskanzler reliant on a fixed majority within the Reichstag, the transformation of Alsace-Lorraine into a Grand Duchy with constituent state status, and the dismantlement of the privy council system. Partisan control over government affairs increased massively, putting and end to the old pre-war system of non-partisan civil servant administrations. In reality, the endorsed changes were diluted through compromise with the establishment, evident in aspects such as the Kaiser's preserved authority to appoint the chancellor and the significant influence wielded by the military, as secured by the secret Brockdorff-Hindenburg Pact.
The Black-Red-Gold Era (1920-1923)[]
Named after the colours of the three dominant parties of the time (Zentrum - SPD - FVP) and inspired by the democratic ideals of 1848, the Black-Red-Gold Era marked the pinnacle of old wartime-era IFA. In the March 1920 elections, the first to be held since 1912, these parties secured a decisive majority. Led initially by the non-partisan Chancellor Wilhelm Solf (1920-1922), former Colonial Secretary, and succeeded by the Zentrum-affiliated Matthias Erzberger (1922), the coalition pursued a relatively progressive agenda following their strong showing in the 1920 elections. They laid the initial groundwork for the Mitteleuropa bloc and embarked on reconciliation efforts with the UK, the Commune, and Russia, albeit with limited success in both the short and long term. However, from the outset, internal tensions, particularly regarding taxation and labor policies, strained the coalition.
Solf's resignation in 1922 reflected the clash between his assertive demeanor from the pre-war constitutional era and the new parliamentary norms, where every political decision required the approval of the majority parties. His successor, Erzberger, faced even greater challenges. Long reviled by the far-right, Erzberger, a progressive left-wing Catholic who had shifted from staunch annexationism to advocating compromise peace in 1917, became embroiled in a humiliating, partly fabricated corruption and perjury trial after suing his right-wing adversaries for defamation. His resignation in late December 1922 left his party in disarray, prompting early elections in 1923.
The legacy of the Solf and Erzberger administrations proved contentious. While these governments symbolized the promise of a new, seemingly prosperous era for Germany, they ultimately fell short of expectations. Their controversial foreign policy fueled perceptions that self-serving politicians had squandered Germany's hard-won victory, for example by abandoning the Polish Frontier Strip plan in March 1920, and failed to prevent its adversaries from regaining strength. Among their own electorate, the three parties suffered due to internal disputes and because they struggled to enact truly transformative reforms aligned with the March Constitution, the effects of which became more than evident in the January 1923 elections.
The Conservative Resurgence (1923-1924)[]
SPD, FVP, and the paralysed Zentrum emerged weakened from the 1923 snap elections after Erzberger’s resignation. The stage was set for the rise of the opposition parties: the German Conservative Party (DkP), the National Liberal Party (NLP), and the Free Conservative Party (FKRP). This shift led to the formation of the Posadowsky-Wehner Cabinet, a minority government tolerated by the Zentrum. However, the new conservative administration swiftly embarked on a course that clashed with the previous progressive agenda. They re-imposed pre-war protectionist grain tariffs, which would have profound consequences for German agriculture in the years to come. Furthermore, they reshaped the Mitteleuropa plans into an economically unequal bloc, prioritising the interests of German agriculture and heavy industry. Additionally, they adopted a more assertive foreign policy, exemplified by Germany's controversial involvement in the Rif War in late 1923.
In the autumn of 1924, socialist unrest across the English Channel escalated, culminating in the British Revolution, particularly impacting Wales and Scotland. The conservative establishment feared that a British revolution would trigger a series of events that could disrupt the fragile post-Versailles order and potentially end the French Commune's isolation, spelling disaster for the German bloc. In this tense atmosphere, Foreign Secretary and Vice Chancellor Gustav Stresemann's hastily made statements advocating for immediate intervention to support the legitimate British government ignited another domestic crisis. Although Stresemann intended these remarks as personal opinion, his position within the Posadowsky-Wehner government led them to be construed as the official stance, leading to widespread condemnation in the press. Mass anti-war strikes erupted across the Empire, compelling the government to reconsider its stance. Subsequently, snap elections were once again for November 1924.
The March Coalition Era (1924-1931)[]
In the aftermath of the elections, both right-wing and Black-Red-Gold parties emerged with considerable strength, leading to an electoral outcome that defied easy solutions. It became evident that a coalition encompassing a wide spectrum of ideologies was unavoidable. The Kaiser opted for a compromise candidate to succeed Posadowsky, ultimately selecting the renowned Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau once again. In 1924/25, he presided over one of the most contentious government formations in German history - a grand coalition spanning from the SPD to the DkP. However, this arrangement proved untenable and disintegrated within months. Instead, a coalition comprising social liberals, national liberals, Zentrum, and conservatives took the reins, earning the moniker "March Coalition." This broad alliance prioritised the preservation of the achievements of the March Constitution without pursuing radical reforms, positioning itself against the pressures from the social democratic left and the increasingly radicalising right. The March Coalition endured for a decade, forming the backbone of subsequent administrations led by Wilhelm Marx, Johann Heinrich von Bernstorff, and Herbert von Dirksen in the ensuing years, while the SPD assumed uncontested leadership of the opposition.
Brockdorff's tenure witnessed significant domestic reforms, exemplified by the Bauer-Giesberts Plan of 1925, which introduced measures such as the eight-hour workday, unemployment insurance, and a federal employment agency. However, his most enduring legacy was forged on the international stage. Enacting the Brockdorff-Maltzan Doctrine, Berlin relinquished direct intervention plans in Britain as suggested by Stresemann, instead focusing on expanding influence in the Empire's periphery via limited military involvement. Germany succeeded in asserting control over substantial portions of the British Colonial Empire, chiefly through diplomatic maneuvers. In 1926, a new approach toward Russia was initiated with the controversial Vilnius Agreement, and Berlin caused international uproar by intervening more directly in the Chinese Civil War in late 1926 & mid-1928.
Brockdorff's death in late 1928 marked the end of an era often nostalgically glorified as Germany's true post-war Golden Era. Succeeded by his Vice Chancellor Wilhelm Marx - an informal succession method indicative of the victorious parliamentarisation process - it initially appeared as though Germany had reasserted its place on the global stage.
Decline of the March Coalition and Geopolitical Encirclement (1931-)[]
The Austrian Creditanstalt Crisis of 1931 sent shock waves through the German bloc, putting a quick and sudden end to its Golden Era. However, the cessation of economic expansion and the impending recession were not the only concerns. The protectionist policies implemented in the early 1920s had led to a significant efficiency gap in the German agricultural sector, which struggled to keep pace with competition from Eastern Europe. This disparity was particularly pronounced among the heavily indebted East Elbian Junkers, leading to what became known as the German Agrarian Crisis.
Simultaneously, profound political realignments were underway. Already in 1928, the German Conservative Party and the marginally more progressive Free Conservative Party had formally merged after years of collaboration. The German liberal parties soon followed suit: In 1929, the social liberal FVP and a significant portion of the national liberal NLP coalesced to form the Liberal People’s Party (LVP), aimed at revitalising the struggling German liberal movement. A residual faction of the NLP persisted, primarily comprising right-wing industry-associated representatives. However, the most significant transformation occurred within the far-right spectrum; a leadership shift in 1929 transformed the German Fatherland Party (DVLP), formerly a fringe reactionary niche party without much political influence, into a more adaptable mass movement with a revolutionary conservative agenda that profited massively from the heated post-Creditanstalt environment.
Following the Creditanstalt Crash, the Marx government resigned, paving the way for snap elections. In the 1931 elections, the DVLP made significant strides, emerging as the second-largest opposition party after the SPD. Despite this, the traditional March Coalition parties maintained their dominance, warding off challenges from both the left and the right. They formed a new government led by the liberal diplomat Johann Heinrich von Bernstorff, a symbol of the revitalisation of German liberalism two years prior. However, the Bernstorff administration's tenure was short-lived, this time due to foreign policy factors: Shortly after Boris Savinkov's election in 1934, a military clash erupted between Russian-sponsored Latvian Forest Brother forces and the Baltic Landeswehr near Lake Lubahn in Latgale. This incident risked escalating into open warfare between the German bloc and Russia during the ensuing Lake Lubahn Crisis. While full-scale conflict was averted, Bernstorff's conciliatory approach led to his replacement by the stern Russian affairs expert Herbert von Dirksen. The appointment of Dirksen, known for his close ties to the Imperial family and disregard for parliamentary norms, was widely interpreted as a last-ditch effort by the Hohenzollerns to reclaim their lost influence in political affairs, which had been curtailed by the March Reforms 14 years earlier.
However, Dirksen faced even greater challenges than his predecessors. In 1935, the LVP bolted from the government, depriving it of its majority. Although discussions of a possible snap election or vote of no confidence circulated within the Reichstag, proposals to oust the Chancellor and start anew quickly fizzled out when it became apparent that the "permanent opposition" - the SPD and the DVLP - would not support such a move. For both parties, it was more advantageous to allow Dirksen's cabinet to falter on its own and further tarnish its credibility over time. While the moderate March Coalition had initially thrived under Brockdorff's leadership, its prolonged stay in power over almost a decade had eroded its popularity among the populace. It was widely believed that the upcoming elections would spell the downfall of both Dirksen and the Coalition, paving the way for the opposition to finally seize control. Foreign policy-wise, the situation was deteriorating, too. Since 1925, the Syndicalist bloc had been steadily gaining strength, and their influence expanded further in 1935 with the Norwegian Revolution. Hindered by domestic gridlocks and anti-war sentiment, Germany remained mostly passive instead of taking decisive action. Additionally, anti-German movements were gaining momentum across Eastern Europe, with the emergence of the Iron Guard in Romania in 1934 significantly disrupting the Balkan balance.
In this tense political climate, a young and ambitious military figure emerged onto the scene: the shrewd strategist Kurt von Schleicher, known for his extensive connections and political acumen. Serving as the Prussian Minister of War since 1931, Schleicher steadily expanded his political influence and control over military affairs following the Lake Lubahn Crisis. For many leading general staff officers, the weakness of the parliamentary system had long turned apparent, and the belief that totalitarian powers would be required to wage the next inevitable total war was widespread. Schleicher, a proponent of the "Wehrstaat" concept - a mobilized state led by the military that integrates all sectors of society and enables Germany to wage total war in the next Weltkrieg - devised a cunning plan to realize this vision through unconventional and ostensibly "parliamentarian" means, diverging from the traditional strategies favored by his older military colleagues.
As 1935 comes to an end, the cabinet of Herbert von Dirksen can only reliably find support from a struggling minority. His popularity tolls are at an all-time low, harsh times are ahead, and opportunist schemers are waiting in the dark to capitalise on Dirksen’s next potential misstep. Increasingly, concerns are voiced about Germany once again finding itself geopolitically encircled by hostile powers on all fronts, reminiscent of the situation leading up to the fateful year of 1914. The gilded age of the Kaiserreich has faded into memory, leaving behind a nation cloaked in malaise beneath its gleaming facade, with an impending storm on the horizon.
Politics and Parties[]
Leadership[]
Herbert von Dirksen's cabinet spearheads the remainder of the March Coalition within the Reichstag, and comprises the Catholic conservative Zentrum Party, the German Conservative Party (DkP), and the liberal-Conservative Economic Party (WP). Following the departure of the Liberal People's Party from the coalition, the cabinet has become a minority government, grappling significantly to advance legislation and make political decisions.
Title | Name | Party | Portrait |
---|---|---|---|
German Emperor
(Deutscher Kaiser) Head of State, largely ceremonial role by 1936. Typically appoints the Reichskanzler in alignment with the parliament's preferences. |
Wilhelm II (born 27 January 1859) | Non-Partisan | |
Imperial Chancellor
(Reichskanzler) |
Herbert von Dirksen (born 2 April 1882) | Non-Partisan | |
Vice Chancellor | Heinrich Brüning (born 26 November 1885) | Zentrum (Z) | |
State Secretary for Foreign Affairs | Rudolf Nadolny (born 12 July 1873) | Non-Partisan | |
State Secretary for the Interior | Heinrich Brüning (born 26 November 1885) | Zentrum (Z) | |
State Secretary for Economic Affairs | Karl von Helfferich (born 22 July 1872) | Non-Partisan | |
President of the Reichsbank | Hjalmar Schacht (born 22 January 1877) | Liberal People's Party (LVP) | |
Secretary for Justice | Johann Viktor Bredt (born 2 March 1879) | Economic Party (WP) | |
Secretary for Food & Agriculture | Martin Schiele (born 17 January 1870) | German Conservative Party (DkP) | |
Secretary for Labour | Franz Behrens (born 2 February 1872) | German Conservative Party (DkP) | |
Secretary for the Treasury | |||
Secretary for the Post | Zentrum (Z) | ||
Secretary for the Colonies | |||
Secretary for Transport | Zentrum (Z) | ||
Chief of the Imperial German General Staff | Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord (born 26 September 1878) | Non-Partisan | |
Prussian Minister of War | Kurt von Schleicher
(born 7 April 1882) |
Non-Partisan | |
Minister-President of Prussia | Siegfried von Roedern (born 27 July 1870) | Non-Partisan | |
State Secretary of the German Naval Office | |||
Political System[]
- Main article: German Empire/Parties
Germany is a federal constitutional monarchy ruled by the German Kaiser, which is a position in permanent union with the Kingdom of Prussia. According to the March Constitution of 1920, its Chancellor and Government are appointed by the Kaiser, and confirmed by the Reichstag. Legislation also has to be approved by the Reichstag, a chamber elected proportionally by universal male suffrage, and the Bundesrat, consisting of representatives from each of the states.
The German political system is very much designed in favor of multi-party coalitions. who secure a majority for the Kaiser's Chancellor and thereby gain a considerable amount of influence on the government's policies. The current coalition is composed of the Zentrum-LVP-DKP of March.
List of Imperial Chancellors since 1867[]
Portrait | Name | Party | Tenure | Events during his reign |
---|---|---|---|---|
Otto von Bismarck (1815-1898) | Non-partisan | 1867-1890 | Unification of Germany; Kulturkampf; Anti-Socialist Laws & State Socialism; Long Depression; Protectionism; Prussian deportations; early Colonialism; Bismarckian alliance system. | |
Leo von Caprivi (1831-1899) | Non-partisan | 1890-1894 | "New Course": Rapproachment with Britain; repeal of anti-Polish, anti-Catholic and anti-Socialist laws; non-extension of the Bismarckian Reinsurance Treaty with Russia; progressive tax & labour legislation reforms; trade agreements with Austria-Hungary, Russia, Romania, Italy, Belgium, Serbia, Spain & Switzerland. | |
Chlodwig zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst (1819-1901) | Non-partisan | 1894-1900 | Known as the "Shadow Chancellor" due to his high age, delegated lots of his powers to his state secretaries. Begin of the Kaiser's "Personal Rule" & German Weltpolitik (an attempt to reach internal stability via imperialist expansion), despite Hohenlohe's own opposition. Military & civil code reform; failed cooperation attempts with the Catholic Zentrum | |
Bernhard von Bülow (1849-1929) | Non-partisan | 1900-1909 | Known as "Wilhelm II's own Bismarck". Heyday of German Weltpolitik; massive fleet expansion under Alfred von Tirpitz; Anglo-German naval arms race; isolation of Germany in Europe after the formation of the Entente; colonial unrest ( Herero Wars & Maji Maji Rebellion); constant international crises (Boxer Rebellion, Venezuelan Crisis, First Morocco Crisis, Bosnian Crisis); internal scandals (Harden-Eulenburg Affair, Daily Telegraph Affair); reluctant domestic reform. | |
Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg (1856-1921) | Non-partisan | 1909-1917 | Failed détente attempts with Britain & Russia and efforts to keep the peace in Europe; simultaneously, however, occasional foreign political crises (Agadir Cisis, Liman von Sanders Crisis, friction over the Baghdad Railway) and therefore further isolation; colonial humiliation; successful arbitration during the Balkan Wars; social reforms yet social unrest; massive army expansion; constitutional reform in Alsace-Lorraine; Zabern Affair; July Crisis; blank cheque to Austria-Hungary and beginning of the Weltkrieg;Septemberprogramm and war aims discussion; Burgfriedenspolitik; semi-successful suffrage reform attempts; fight against unrestricted submarine warfare proponents; failed efforts for a compromise peace with the Allies via neutral President Woodrow Wilson. | |
Georg Michaelis (born 8 September 1857) | Non-partisan | 1917 | Crises at home and at the front: Kerensky Offensive; Battle of Passchendaele; first German general strike; High Seas Fleet mutinies; the failed Reichstag Peace Resolution & Papal peace efforts; foundation of the far-right German Fatherland Party; heavy discussions about the reformation of the Prussian three-class franchise. Puppet of the OHL. | |
Georg von Hertling (1843-1918) | Zentrum | 1917-1918 | First reluctant steps towards parlamentarisation due to the appointment of partisan state secretaries (Friedrich von Payer,Robert Friedberg, Hertling himself), but overall a puppet of the OHL. Far-reaching peace agreements in the East (Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Treaty of Bucharest, Treaty of Poti) and increasing socialist violence at home due to war-weariness (Strike of January 1918, September Insurrections). | |
Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau
(1869-1928) |
Non-partisan | 1918-1920 | Appointment of the first government with SPD state secretaries; reluctant constitutional reforms; suffrage reform in Prussia; re-launch of unrestricted submarine warfare; semi-successful struggle against the ever-growing influence of the OHL. Conclusion of peace in the West, in the Balkans, the Levant, and the Caucasus. Ludendorff Crisis; adoption of the 1920 March Constitution. | |
Wilhelm Solf
(born 5 October 1862) |
Non-partisan | 1920-1922 | Détente with the Commune of France (Treaty of Metz), cession of military occupation in the East & establishment of the Oststaaten; groundwork for the Mitteleuropa bloc; vast colonial reform in Africa; failed détente with Britain (Rosen Mission), peace agreements with Russia and Japan (Treaty of Minsk, Tsingtao Accord). On a domestic level conflicts with his own cabinet due to Solf's inability to compromise with the majority parties. | |
Matthias Erzberger
(born 20 September 1875) |
Zentrum | 1922 | Ambitious, but ultimately unsuccessful tax reform attempt; permanent division of the roles of Reichskanzler and Prussian Minister-President; Erzberger-Helfferich trial, after which Erzberger resigns in great humiliation. | |
Georg Gothein (acting, born 15 August 1957) | FVP | 1922-1923 | Acting caretaker government led by Erzberger's Vice Chancellor Georg Gothein between Erzberger's resignation in December 1922 and the January 1923 Reichstag Elections. | |
Arthur von Posadowsky-Wehner
(1845-1930) |
FKRP | 1923-1924 | Reinstate the pre-war protectionist grain tariffs, finalised the Mitteleuropa plans in their conservative image, intervention into the Rif War in late 1923, British Revolution, seized most of British strategic colonies in Africa and later incorporated into Mittelafrika. | |
Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau
(1869-1928) |
Non-partisan | 1924-1928 | Mid-20s Recession, Shanghai Scramble, Berlin Colonial Congress, vast colonial reform in Asia, Bauer-Giesberts Reforms, intervention into the Chinese Northern Expedition; Xuantong Restoration; Shanghai Conference | |
Wilhelm Marx
(born 15 January 1863) |
Zentrum | 1928-1931 | Establishment of diplomatic ties with the Union of Britain (1930), | |
Johann Heinrich von Bernstorff (born 14 November 1862) | Non-partisan | 1931-1934 | Detente attempts with Russia & the International; Suppression of the Shanghai Uprising; lack of decisive action against the Iron Guard takeover of Romania; Lake Lubahn Crisis | |
Herbert von Dirksen
(born 2 April 1882) |
Non-partisan | since 1934 | Cabinet-internal conflicts with the liberals, who, after leaving the coalition, deprived the government of a majority in the Reichstag; continued rise of the permanent opposition (SPD & DVLP), foreign-political passivity during the Norwegian Revolution of 1935 |
Military[]
Army[]
The Weltkrieg served as the ultimate trial for the Imperial German Army, thrusting it into a global conflict against three of the world’s most formidable armies while being supported by only a handful of less capable allies. Since then, few have questioned the fact that the Deutsches Heer - nowadays the second-largest army in the world, behind that of the Russian Republic - is the most powerful army on the planet, and it instilled a sense of complacency. However, amidst this perception, innovators and visionaries within the military remained vigilant, actively drafting numerous proposals for a modernised and reformed Heer in the post-war era. Yet, their efforts encountered resistance from the entrenched traditionalists within the military hierarchy, as well as indifference from the civilian government, which deemed such reforms unnecessary in the face of perceived invincibility.
In reality, the German army is far from flawless, and its internal shortcomings have only been exacerbated since the conclusion of the war. In addition to a lack of impetus for reform, it faces:
- deep interservice rivalry and a lack of central coordination, especially during peacetime. The German military has a fairly byzantine structure - as while the Navy is an all-national institution with a Secretary of the Navy, the “Army” is, in truth, composed of armies of the federal states: the Prussian Army, which forms the backbone, as well as the Bavarian Army, the Saxon Army, and the Württemberg Army. As a result, Germany does not have a federal-level army secretariat. The Heer and the Marine compete for the attention of the government as well as funding, while there is no central organisation to facilitate cooperation between the branches.
- dominance of the officer corps by aristocrats. Officers from aristocratic families are preferred for important positions and various measures (such as very poor financial circumstances for lower officer ranks, meaning they have to rely on allowances from home) discourage the lower class from participation.
- disregard for the strategic level of war.
- internal military cliques and army interference in politics, which contributes to a problematic relationship between the army high command and the government as well as the Reichstag.
Doctrine-wise, the Heer adheres to the principles of mobile warfare, a concept deeply rooted in Prussian military philosophy since the 18th century. The specter of a potential two-front conflict or a coalition uniting against Prussia, thereby overwhelming it with superior resources, has historically cultivated a fervent embrace of offensive strategies. This entails the conviction that Prussia must secure victory through decisive, swift maneuvers executed by highly trained and organized mobile units, eschewing protracted positional warfare. The prospect of engaging in a static conflict, where Germany's limited resources are pitted against a formidable coalition, is regarded with utmost apprehension. This, similarly, led to a cult of annihilation. The Battle of Cannae has long been considered the “benchmark”, the perfect battle in German military thought - an amazing triumph achieved by smaller, professional, mobile forces in which a larger, immobile force was encircled and completely annihilated
Several factions dominate military-internal discourse:
- The Old Guard (Altgardisten) The Altgardisten is not a faction in their own right, but rather a general term for the “old guard” - veteran generals of the Weltkrieg, Prussian aristocrats, or leaders of the federal armies who are worried that their autonomous structures and traditions might be abolished by their reformist-minded colleagues. As a result, the faction does not have proper have “ideologues” or “leaders”, either. In their perspective, while acknowledging the necessity for reform to rectify structural inadequacies within the Heer, there exists a prevailing sentiment that, overall, the military is functioning adequately - thus, there's reluctance to tinker with a system perceived as functioning smoothly.
- The Reformists (Reformisten) The faction that most vigorously challenges the entrenched establishment in German politics naturally aligns with those seeking to challenge the status quo within the German military. However, their alliance remains somewhat uneasy, given that these figures do not harbor sympathies toward democracy. The Reformisten are the followers of the ideas of Hans von Seeckt, who served as the Chief of the German General Staff in the 1920s until his dismissal due to his radical reformist proposals for the Heer. Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord, the current Chief of Staff who got propelled into that position after the 1934 Lake Lubahn Crisis on the recommendation of his close associate, Kurt von Schleicher, is nowadays one of the reformists' most influential voices. Apart from Seeckt, the faction's most pivotal ideologue was the late Walther Reinhardt (1872-1930). Seeckt's and Reinhardt's ideas continue to resonate strongly, particularly among a younger cohort of theorists such as Ernst Volckheim (*1898), Erich von Bonin (*1878), and Oswald Lutz (*1876), who have garnered considerable support among the veteran rank-and-file. The Reformisten seek to thoroughly retool the Heer and transform it into a professional, disciplined force that follows the latest developments in mobile warfare - a combined-arms approach built upon independent tank divisions and ground-air cooperation. It seeks to abolish the federal armies and establish a united armed forces structure, while opening the officer ranks to the lower class.
- The Rebellion (Die Fronde)Seeking to reshape Germany into a militarised state where the nation's resources are fully harnessed to serve the army's needs, the so-called Die Fronde (a French loan word for an ambitious faction that rises against the establishment) are the most radical clique within the Heer. This small, but diverse coalition encompasses two smaller factions united by shared objectives: the Psychologists and the Volksarmee ideologists. Firmly entrenched in far-right militarist ideology, they espouse a vision of bolstering the "psychology" of the German soldier and establishing a "people's army" characterized by intense nationalism and ideological fervor, permeating all strata of German society. Key figures among them include Ludwig Beck (*1880), Joachim von Stülpnagel (*1880) and Werner von Blomberg (*1878), with General Max Bauer (*1869) - the architect behind Ludendorff's pseudo-dictatorship - serving as their spiritual "grandfather". None of these individuals hold democracy in any esteem. Much like their comrades, they believe in primacy of mobility, which, in their eyes, should be achieved by any means necessary - all weapons at Germany’s disposal should be used to slow down an enemy advance, break their will, and then destroy them in an enormous offensive. Much like the Reformisten, they aim to establish a unified armed forces structure, the Wehrmacht, but it will not be as thorough in breaking down the old antiquated systems.
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The Kaiserliche Marine (Imperial Navy) is the largest and arguably the most powerful navy in the world. Despite this, its supremacy compared to other contemporary navies is not of the same scale as that of the British Royal Navy before the Weltkrieg. During the war, submarines were pivotal to Germany's strategy; however, their significance has waned with Germany's transformation into a global Empire. Now tasked with safeguarding its extensive territories, Germany relies especially on battleships and cruisers, of which Germany boasts the largest quantity in the world. Furthermore, the Kaiserliche Marine is also one of the few navies in the world to possess an aircraft carrier. With bases around the world, the navy is the German Empire's main method of enforcing the German interests abroad and maintaining security among the vulnerable sea lanes that transport goods to and from the colonies.
Within the navy, two factions dominate strategic planning: Erich Raeder (*1876) a known ally of the DVLP, envisions worldwide operations focused on speed, maneuver, and combined-arms task groups centered around carriers, while Wolfgang Wegener (*1875) sees the Syndicalist fleets, especially Britain, as their main enemy and plans to incite a decisive battle in the North Sea by threatening British sea supply lines in the case of a typothetical conflict.
Air Force[]
The Luftstreitkräfte (German Air Force), headed by famous combat ace Helmuth Wilberg, was established as an independent branch of the military in 1927 at the very end of Seeckt’s reforms, shortly before his dismissal. The largest air force in the world, the Luftstreitkräfte very much focuses on supporting army operations with a considerable fleet of tactical bombers. The force also maintains a presence abroad, most prominently at Tsingtau, where a large air contingent is located. Several schools of thought have emerged within the air force in previous years. A faction around Walther Wever (*1887) proposes a more balanced, yet still bombing-focused approach as well as the support of armoured operations, dubbed "Operational Air War". Traditionalists wh put focus on mass produced close-air-support and fighters have gathered around Wolfram von Richthofen (*1895), while Robert Knauss (*1892) is a key proponent of the the Douhetian strategy of strategic bombing.
Foreign Relations[]
The German Empire is the leader of Mitteleuropa, more formally known as the Central European Customs Union, an economic bloc formed during the early 1920s to cement German economic hegemony across the European continent. Not only Germany's direct Eastern European satellite states (Oststaaten) are part of this cooperation initiative, but also its former Central Power allies as well as strategic trading partners such as most of Scandinavia, Ireland, the Netherlands, or Spain. For tariff-related reasons, both Germany's own colonial possessions as well as the Dutch East Indies are not part of the union.
The Reichspakt ("Imperial Pact") is an informal name for the vast and complex network of military alliances maintained between Germany and its Eastern clients, i.e. Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, White Ruthenia, the United Baltic Duchy, and Finland - all of which play a crucial role in bolstering Germany's formidable "Ostwall" defensive network against potential Russian aggression - as well as Flanders-Wallonia to the West.
Germany maintains cordial relations and close economic ties with its former Central Powers allies of Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria, who have not expressed an active interest in joining the Reichspakt. They also treat Bulgaria as a bastion of security in the southern Balkan Peninsula.
Germany also has dynastic ties with some of its allies. The King of Flanders-Wallonia and the King of Poland are both sons of the Kaiser, with members of three other German dynasties reigning in Lithuania, Finland, and the United Baltic Duchy: the House of Württemberg, the House of Hesse, and the House of Mecklenburg, respectively.
Germany is a member of the Consular Council of the Chinese Legation Cities, together with the United States of America, Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Canada, and guarantees the country's defense as per the stipulations of the 1928 Legation Treaty.
Despite the establishment of formal diplomatic relations with the entire syndicalist bloc, including France and Italy since 1920, and Britain since 1930 tensions have escalated in recent years, straining these diplomatic ties. Efforts aimed at containing the isolated French and Italians during the early 1920s, while simultaneously binding them closer to Germany, have faltered in the wake of the British Revolution. This seismic event has catalysed a resurgence of both French and Italian foreign-political leverage, propelling them back onto the global stage as formidable forces to be reckoned with. Public sentiment in the Empire is strongly anti-syndicalist, reflecting widespread skepticism regarding the establishment parties' capacity to contain the burgeoning syndicalist regimes. Many Germans harbor deep-seated doubts about the efficacy of traditional political structures in curbing the influence of syndicalist ideology.
German-Russian relations are fairly complex. Since the 1926 Vilnius Agreement, also known as the German–Russian Trade and Credit Agreement, Germany's economic dominance over Russia has been significant. This agreement restructured Russia's reparation payments (as per the stipulations of the 1921 Treaty of Minsk) into a substantial financial investment initiative, which also fostered Russia's industrialisation process. Throughout much of the 1920s, diplomatic relations between the two nations remained relatively close, but tensions escalated following the election of President Boris Savinkov in 1934, who campaigned on an overtly revanchist platform. The October 1934 Lake Lubahn Crisis epitomised this strain, as Moscow and Berlin vied for influence in Eastern Europe. While direct conflict was averted, Russian state propaganda continues to heavily emphasise anti-German rhetoric and a revanchist fervor to reclaim many of the territories lost in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.
Germany holds less than favorable views of its old Entente adversaries, directed primarily at the Dominion of Canada and the French Republic, the latter of which is not even formally recognised anymore as a legitimate French state by Berlin.
Azerbaijan, a German client state in the Caucasus, has allowed Berlin to have oil concessions within its territory.
While avoiding war, Germany and Japan have clashed over influence in China in the past. Japan also backs the Fengtian Government which is staunchly opposed to Germany's ally of the Beijing-based government.
Constituent States[]
- Main article: States of the German Empire
In contrast to many of its European counterparts, the German Empire operates as a federation comprising legally equal constituent states. However, in practice, Prussia emerges as the predominant and most influential entity among these states. According to the German constitution, the monarch of Prussia holds the title of "German Emperor" (Deutscher Kaiser), yet refrains from assuming the title of "Emperor of Germany" (Kaiser von Deutschland) to avoid provoking other German states, which assert their sovereignty within the Empire, alongside Austria, which is still considered part of the German cultural region.
Before unification, the German territory (excluding Austria, Liechtenstein, and Switzerland) was divided into 27 constituent states, encompassing kingdoms, grand duchies, duchies, principalities, and Free Hanseatic cities. Notably, the free cities adopted and retained a republican form of governance at the state level, amidst the prevailing monarchy within the Empire.
Representation within the German Empire is structured such that each component state appoints representatives to both the Federal Council (Bundesrat) and the Imperial Diet (Reichstag) through single-member districts. The extent of the German Emperor's authority, particularly in instances of contested or unclear succession, remains a topic of ongoing debate, exemplified by the Lippe-Detmold inheritance crisis of 1895.
Distinctively for a federation, the German states retain a degree of autonomy over foreign affairs, engaging in diplomatic exchanges with each other as well as foreign nations. Bismarck instituted a convention early in the Empire's history wherein Prussia exclusively dispatched and received envoys to and from other German states under the title of the King of Prussia, while envoys from Berlin, representing Germany as a whole, received credentials from the monarch in their capacity as German Emperor. Consequently, the Prussian foreign ministry primarily manages inter-German state relations, while the Imperial foreign ministry oversees Germany's external affairs.
Colonies and Dependencies[]
- Main article: List of German possessions and colonies
The burgeoning German colonial empire was largely considered an afterthought during the Weltkrieg, with most of the colonial and dependent territories occupied by the Entente throughout the war. With the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 and the collapse of the British Empire in the mid-1920s, the German Empire was able to expand its hold through much of the world. In Africa, German dominion is centered on the deeply decentralised colony of Mittelafrika, which stretches from the Kalahari Desert in the south up to the Sahara in the north, from the vast cocoa plantations on the Ivory Coast in the west to the white beaches of Zanzibar in the east. Additionally, the German Colonial Office runs naval outposts in Djibouti, Madagascar, and several other formerly French island possessions in the Indian Ocean. Via the Kingdom of Morocco, an autonomous German protectorate, Berlin also exerts influence over Northwestern Africa.
In East Asia, the Supervisory Board of the East Asian General Administration (AOG) based in Tsingtau wields significant sway over numerous coastal cities in Eastern China. Meanwhile, Germany maintains direct control over key territories, including Kiaochow Bay, Guangzhouwan, and the once-British enclave of Weihaiwei, consolidating its authority in the region. Venturing into Southeast Asia, Germany exerts firm control over the former French Indochin. Following the British Revolution, Germany seized the opportunity to broaden its reach into Malaya. Former British protectorates such as Brunei, Sarawak, and the Federated Malay States, along with former Crown Colonies like the Strait Settlements and North Borneo, now operate under the auspices of the newly established naval administration in Singapore, firmly aligning with German interests. In India, German presence primarily revolves around key trade outposts situated in Pondicherry, Karikal, Yanam, and Mahe, underscoring Germany's strategic positioning in the Indian Ocean region.
In Oceania, Germany has emerged as a formidable force in recent decades, asserting dominance across vast expanses of Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia through its colonial administrations of German New Guinea and the German Pacific Territories. While these islands may hold modest economic value, their strategic significance is paramount for Berlin. They serve as tangible symbols of Germany's naval prowess in the Pacific, particularly crucial in countering the expanding influence of the Empire of Japan to the north.
Economy[]
WIP
The German economy remained one of the strongest, most stable and prosperous in Europe and the world. Germany has a robust civilian industry and sizeable amount of military factories. Since its victory in the last Weltkrieg, the German economy has been able to reap the fruits of its various investments all around the world and during the 1920s enjoyed a massive economic miracle under the chancellorship of Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau. In addition, the German standard of living is the highest among the world's major nations, with the average German workers earning the most productive wages in Europe. In addition, German investments in Mitteleuropa, resources from the colonies (especially in Africa), and liberal welfare programs also further cemented Germany's economic ascendancy and also its status as the European hegemon.
However, the German economy is still burdened by its own share of problems. The miracle of the 1920s had winded down by the 1930s due to the Creditanstalt Crisis and although the economy remained prosperous, the vulnerability that is catalyzed by the lack of regulation in the finance sector threatens to disturb and crack the mighty German economy. Despite the decrease in income inequality during the 1920s, the continued existence of syndicalist foes in the West and the propaganda delivered by syndicalist proxies at home also contributed to increases in worker strikes, threatening to hamper the economy even further.
Culture[]
Women in Germany[]
While economic and social forces have ensured that women fill many jobs in the major cities, particularly in service industries and clerical work, the conservative Reich establishment has thus far prevented them from having a vote in Reichstag elections (although some of the more progressive states, such as Württemberg and Baden, have permitted female voting in Regional Assemblies). However, the long presence of female politicians in public life has made Frauenwahlrecht (women's suffrage) a hot political issue.
Literature[]
Germany´s top author at the moment is Erich Paul Remark, whose anti-war book 'Durchbruch' (1929), followed by 'Der Weg vorwärts' (1931) have become immensely popular despite opposition from the General Staff and militarists. He is currently working on his third book, set after the final armistice with Britain. Nobel Prize winner Thomas Mann is a well-known admirer of the Kaiser and has often been named a potential foreign minister due to his personal prestige. Ernst Jünger, who inaugurated the fashion of the "Weltkrieg diaries" (depictions of the war from the point-of-view of the soldiers), is currently a high-ranking official in the Mittelafrikan administration. German writers have also been involved in extreme politics: Bertolt Brecht's plays barely avoided censorship due to their celebration of syndicalist values, although this has been diluted somewhat in those plays which he has made with his far more conservative collaborator Oswald Spengler, while Will Vesper's nationalist poems, novels and essays enjoy popularity amongst students and officers.
Music[]
While Germany officially endorses classical music - especially Wagner, Bach, Brahms, Mozart, Händel and all German composers, it is not quite as popular as it once was. Even the Kaiser has come to enjoy Scott Joplin. The spouse of Kronprinz Wilhelm, Princess Cecilie, is a well-known friend of contemporary musicians. Prestigious composers amongst the likes of Siegfried Alkan, Bogislaw Hubermann, Wilhelm Kempff, Elly Ney, Wilhelm Furtwängler and Herbert von Karajan often perform small concerts for the royal family at Cecilienhof Palace.
Cinema[]
Babelsberg Studio, in Berlin's suburbs, are the greatest in Europe and outrank even Hollywood in production, quality and number of films. German cinema has become a worldwide industry and draws in young talents from around the globe. Moreover, in large part due to the efforts of the now deceased Friedrich Murnau, it has managed to surpass its tentative roots as a mere government propaganda tool and take a more artistic approach. Popular with the German public are the likes of Hans Albers and Marlene Dietrich and the renowned comics of Ernst Lubitsch, though Fritz Lang's works are often considered too dark and realistic for viewer's tastes.
Painting, sculpture, and architecture[]
The Dada wave has also spread to Germany, a divided country who enjoyed the favorable conclusion of the Weltkrieg while it suffered from the long war and blockade: Max Ernst and George Grosz's work, for instance, is characterized by the trauma of the war years. In urbanism, Walter Gropius and his young rival, Albert Speer, struggle for the attention of the German government, intent on majestic monuments in memory of the Weltkrieg. Arno Breker's statues, first conceived as a celebration of the German man, were censored due to their nudity and judged indecent by German authorities.