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The Burmese Revolt, also known as the Burmese War of Independence, the Burmese Revolution or the 4th Anglo-Burmese War, was an anti-colonial uprising against the British Empire, taking place in the Province of Burma, at that time a part of the British Raj. It occurred parallel to the Indian Revolt, which had dealt a critical blow to British hegemony within Asia and set the stage for other, similar uprisings. Fighting went on over the course of 14 months, culminating in the Provisional Government of Burma signing onto the Indian ceasefire, which left the conflicts in both India and Burma at an uneasy standstill. Several nations and political blocs with anti-colonial leanings, such as the Empire of Japan and the Third International, consider the war to have been won by the Burmese, but the British Empire and its political allies in the western world claim that it is still ongoing, as no definitive peace was ever agreed upon by either side of the conflict.
Political Background[]
Tensions within the British Raj's Province of Burma had steadily escalated throughout the early 20th century, as a consequence of a growing sense of national identity amongst the Burmese upper and middle classes. Dire events such as the Burmese Shoe Scandal, protests in the aftermath of the Government of India Act's failure to pass the British parliament, as well as the University Strike of 1920 gave Burmese citizens their first experiences in taking direct political action and making their voices heard. Many prominent figures had looked to the more senior nationalist movement in India for inspiration, noting the effective political organizing of groups like the Indian National Congress as well as the militant cohesion of other factions such as the Hindustan Republican Army. In the aftermath of the Amritsar Massacre in India, which marked the beginning of the Indian Revolt, various Burmese political groups took on much more far reaching demands for political and economic sovereignty for their homeland. This new radicalism was spearheaded by prominent Burmese nationalists such as U Ba Pe, Chit Hlaing and U Ottama, who rallied around the General Council of Burmese Associations, the Nationalist Party and the General Council of Sangha Sameggi. Whilst armed militias had always existed in tribal Burmese society and it was likewise not uncommon even in urban centres for citizens to band together for mutual aid and defence, 1919 marked a turning point in armed political organizing among the people of Burma, on account of Viceroy Rufus Isaac's recent decree of martial law throughout the British Raj and its subject proviinces.
Lieutenant Governor Reginald Craddock (Left) and his predecessor, Spencer Butler (Right), the two men whose policies are commonly believed to have escalated the militancy of the Burmese nationalist movement.
This new policy was heartily endorsed by both the incumbent Lieutenant-Governor of Burma, Reginald Henry Craddock, as well as his official predecessor, Spencer Harcourt Butler. Both men were infamous for the very authoritarian methods used in their attempts to quell the Burmese nationalist movement. Butler had been a very vocal opponent of the Wunthanu Athin (Patriotic Associations) and Bu Athin (literally "No Associations", better translated as "Protest Associations"), types of Burmese mutual aid and political organizing group which had sprung up across the colony. Butler had also clamped down on political organizing among the Karen people, alienating what had once been a "model minority". When Craddock came to power, he was a step beyond Butler, however. Craddock saw Butler as one of his main inspirations, but he held one man in an even higher esteem: Reginald Dyer, the perpetrator of the Amritsar Massacre. Craddock thus made no secret of his support for the massacre and was considered by many of his administrative peers as one of Dyer's closest comrades. After hearing the news of Viceroy Isaacs Rufus decree of martial law, Governor Craddock wasted no time in implementing the policy within the Province of Burma, to massive outrage. The University Strike of 1920 would push the limits of the Craddock administration as he faced frequent pushback from more liberal members of the Indian Civil Service and within the Governor's Legislative Council. During this time he would publish two major manifestos to defend his case, "The Dilemma In India" and "On the threatened extinction of European services in India", both of which argued for escalating the authoritarian policies of martial law even further.
Craddock's attempt to enforce martial law came to a head once he arrested U Ottama, an esteemed Burmese monk and nationalist, at one of the revolutionary firebrand's speeches in 1921, which in turn led to mass public outcry. To fight back against the Imperial Police and Craddock's spies, an initiative was spearheaded by the radical intellectual, U Maung Gyee, which saw the founding of the Ye Tat or the "Brave Militia". This was a bipartisan effort between several different political groups in Burma, both the GCBA and the Nationalist Party, to create a secret instrument of armed revolt against the British. There had been private initiatives in the past, promoting communal activities for Burmese youth with the purpose of advancing the nationalist movement, but the Ye Tat’s purpose was very explicitly meant to clandestinely build social cohesion and to instil both patriotism as well as military training in Burmese naionalists. It gained the nickname of the "Green Militia", or “Greenshirts”, as a play on a reading of the Burmese word Ye and for the fact that its members often wore green uniforms as camouflage. The Ye Tat notably operated in total defiance against government laws on public gatherings, gun ownership, and "incitement of revolt". Around the same time representatives of the provisional Azad Hind government in India, most notably the Hindustan Republican Army, as well as the vast community of Bengali nationalists who lived in exile in Burma, ramped up their efforts to smuggle arms and advisors into Burma, preparing the kindling for a national revolt. All of this was also complimented by the GCBA and GCSS's vast network of Wunthanu Athin, as the rural political societies could easily relay messages, hide supplies and coordinate actions between the nationalists.
The spark for the kindling came suddenly, after Lieutenant-Governor Reginald Craddock approved a measure to assassinate the radical monk U Ottama, who had long been acting as the unofficial bridge between the Indian and Burmese nationalists movement. Whilst Craddock had perhaps hoped this would sever the link between the two populations, dividing them and offering more anti-Indian politicians such as U Ba Pe and Tharrawaddy U Pu the chance to assume control of the Burmese nationalist movement, it instead helped unify the Burmese political scene behind a shared martyr and revolutionary ideologue. In time, U Ottama and his beliefs, dubbed "Ottamanism", became the guiding light for the coming few months, as riots and minor uprisings broke out across all of Burma.
The first months of the Revolt[]
British Imperial Police attempting to quell a riot in Mandalay, 1924
The beginning of the revolt was marked by sporadic unrest and numerous riots taking place in urban centres, most notably Mandalay where U Ottama had been killed, followed by a prolonged period of violence out in the countryside as news of the murder spread. Governor Craddock had immediately sought stop any reprisals from Burmese political activists, ordering them to turn themselves in and stand trial, or face arrest. This was met with almost universal refusal, as many activists went into hiding or were protected by local citizens. Owing to the sudden start of the revolt, with no clear political leadership to guide its direction, spontaneous acts of defiance against the British colonial government became the main methods that the Burmese citizens expressed their outrage over U Ottama's assassination. Numerous officials in the Civil Service, mainly white Britons but also many mixed race or native recruits, as well as village headmen who had pro-British leanings, were swiftly targeted by mob violence.
A patchwork of insurrections took shape across the rural countryside as many Wunthanu Athin (Patriotic Citizen Associatios) began to act independently, linking up together despite no instructions from the GCBA's leadership. Eventually though, cliques of student radicals and monks of the General Council of Sanga Sameggi (Council of the United Monkshood) utilized this revolutionary spontaneity and swiftly seized the reins of power, delivering fiery speeches at several impromptu GCBA meetings, where they declared that the British would try to destroy them no matter what. In their eyes, resistance was now the only option left, even if it meant taking up violent means and risking their lives. The zealous youth were eager to follow the example of the Indian Revolt and mimic its revolutionary justice, especially the martyrdom of the late U Ottama, which inspired a whole generation to "give their lives to crush imperialism". Even pacifistic monks agreed follow a strategy of civil non-cooperation, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi and motivated by the late U Ottama's declaration of support for the Indian revolt and the "Red Summer", shortly before his death. The GCBA leadership could recognize the similarity of this situation to their own break with the YMBA over its inaction in the 1920 University Strike, years prior. The GCBA would not repeat the mistake of a stagnant leadership that refused to endorse the next step in Burma's political revolution, and so the the "Uncrowned King of Burma" Chit Hlaing, gave his blessing to organizing a revolutionary militia and to create a provisional government for a Free Burma, which he'd go on to serve in as President and Commander in Chief.
A photo of the Mandalay Jail, prior to the 1924 riot.
A provisional military command was organized for the Armed Forces, or "Tatmadaw" that would be required for fighting the war, as the small, disorganized Ye Tat proved woefully inadequate and undersupplied. Although initially headed by just native Weltkrieg veterans and Ye Tat members, the Tatmadaw was soon joined by deserting soldiers in the colonial armed forces and Indian volunteers. Of particular note was Bhupendra Kumar Datta, a Bengali "Jugandar" revolutionary and former participant in the Hindu-German conspiracy who had recently been captured during the Indian Revolt and sent to Burma. He was interned in Mandalay Jail, but one of the major riots provided the opportunity for a vast prison break, allowing Bhupendra to escape and join his fellow Bengali exiles and his close friends among the Burmese nationalist movement.
The British response to all this proved woefully inadequate. The official anti-insurgent policy had been shaped by a dominant school of thought in the colonial civil service, based around the former Commissioner of Saigang District Bertram S. Carey's seminal work "Hints to the Guidance of Civil Officers in the Event of Outbreak of Disturbance in Burma". Though an effective propaganda piece for younger officials, the book had several faults as a training manual. Carey's attitude towards unrest in Burma was based in rather blatant sneering imperialism, dismissing the Burmans as a credulous, superstitious and impulsive people who would always rise up out of a misguided obsession with restoring their idealized, past ways of life. The book was mostly a pseudohistorical pamphlet meant to explain the "racial deficiency" that drove the "inherently criminal" Burmans to rebel, thus necessitating the continued British presence in Burma as a civilizing mission. In the first weeks of the Burmese Revolt, local colonial officials would dismiss the capacity for the rebels to organize, adapting their counterinsurgency strategies to the racial theories of "criminalised ethnology" they had been taught. In several cases officials exploited the ongoing situation, sending false reports to the Lieutenant-Governor and the Viceroy wildly overstating the danger at their local posts, or inventing wholly fictional rebel groups in order to secure additional manpower and funding. A complex, deluded narrative had sprung up within the civil service which sent many o them chasing phantoms, allowing the actual Burman independence activists to chart a much more sophisticated course beneath their very noses. Much of the garrisons in Burma were soon being bogged down in the perennially rebellious regions of Tharrawaddy and Arakan, allowing urban uprisings and mutinies among the Burma Rifles in Rangoon and Mandalay to shake the colony. Reality flew in the face of what the British anti-insurgent doctrine had taught Burma's colonial administrators, as Carey's book had repeatedly dismissed the capacity for the urban Burman subjects to organize, forcing Governor Craddock to request reinforcements from India and from the Sikh rifles in Malaysia. Ultimately, this request would come far too late.
The Rangoon Arsenal "Christmas Raid"[]
Members of the Ye Tat and the future Tatmadaw, photographed shortly before the Rangoon Arsenal Raid
A map of Colonial Era Rangoon. Following the Arsenal Raid, Burmese rebels would advance from the North and the West, reinforced by insurrectionists inside the city, steadily pushing the British south-east towards Syriam and Monkey Point.
With the aid of Bhupendra Kumar Datta, the Bengali Jugandar revolutionaries and deserters from the Burma Rifles, a plan was swiftly devised to secure Burma's freedom. Taking inspiration from their Indian comrades, the Burmese nationalists immediately prioritized getting their hands on advanced military grade weaponry which could be used to liberate the cities of Rangoon and Mandalay, two strongholds now on the brink of rebellion that could thereafter become the beating hearts of the revolution. Securing this weaponry before British reinforcements could arrive in Burma was of the essence. The only ordnance installation in Burma at the time was the Rangoon Arsenal, located 12 miles north of Rangoon and accessible by a special railway line through the rough terrain. The arsenal was the site of numerous labour struggles throughout the 1920s, with both British soldiers and Burmese workers protesting the poor pay and the forms of abuse they had been subject to by local officers, a struggle which came to a head around the winter season of 1924 as the trend of overwork and underpay only intensified under the ongoing critical conditions. Exploiting this opportunity, the rebels dispatched a small force of Ye Tat to storm the arsenal on Christmas Eve, correctly estimating that the arsenal was understaffed as several workers had been laid off after protesting having to work overtime during the holidays. The rebel force crossed through the dense woodlands and steep hills outside of Rangoon, managing to take the arsenal by surprise under the cover of night. The understaffed arsenal was manned by demoralized troops who didn't wish to throw their lives away and so many broke rank to hide, or flee the battle. Despite British efforts to quell this dissent and to reinforce the arsenal, they couldn't stop the rebels from escaping into the night with a staggering amount of stolen rifles and ammunition, giving the Burmese forces a massive advantage to rapidly consolidate their movement and arm themselves in preparation for seizing Rangoon.
The Rangoon Uprising[]
A palpable tension within Rangoon, prior to the uprising, as the Imperial Police round up suspected insurrectionists.
Indian soldiers of the British Raj's Rangoon Field Brigade, deployed at Monkey Point, armed with 18 Pounder Artillery.
The now well-armed and emboldened Burmese nationalists rapidly distributed weaponry to both eager civilians as well as Ye Tat and Tatmadaw militias, as mobs took to the streets to finally drive the British out of the country. Chaos ensued over the following weeks, as from December 24th the British forces went on utmost alert, targeting civilian and militia member alike in a ruthless attempt to supress the insurrection. Carey's school of thought surrounding Burmese rebellions was now being openly questioned by some officials, leading to infighting among the colonial leadership. Governor Craddock and much of the civil sector were evacuated to the port of Syriam, whilst the British forces reinforced their positions surrounding Rangoon. Shortly after the Christmas Raid, the eponymous "Rangoon Uprising" begun with riots inside of the various loosely connected townships, shantytowns and minority enclaves on the northern periphery of the city. Despite an attempt to form a defensive line around the Native Infantry Barracks and the Artillery Barracks, the British were struck by attacks from two sides, as rebel militias marched on the city from the north, whilst rioting spread towards residential districts in the urban centre. The Native Infantry Barracks eventually fell after a major mutiny broke out, led by the Karen officer Smith Dun, requiring British forces to relocate further south-east, consolidating themselves at the European Infantry Barracks to the south of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda. The Rangoon Field Brigade at the Monkey Point Artillery Battery was also reinforced, but the battle seemed to be turning in the rebels favour as the Burmese liberated their city, first township by township on the periphery of Rangoon, over the course of the last days of 1924, followed by street by street in the urban centre. On January 4th, the rebel seized the Government House, which had served as the residence of the Lieutenant-Governor and was one of the main nerve centres of the colonial administration. Whilst this was enough to further embolden the rebels, some members of the nationalist movement recommended to hold off on formally declaring a Burmese Republic until Rangoon had been fully liberated, or at least until the rebels had seized the other main administrative centre, the Government Secretariat. Chit Hlaing recognized however that morale on the frontlines against the European Infantry Barracks was faltering, so to declare the republic now would greatly intensify the rebels' determination and political unity. As such, with artillery shells falling just a few blocks away, a crowd was gathered inside the Government House to formally declare Burma's independence. In the weeks that followed, the European Infantry Barracks would fall and the rebels would finally free all of Rangoon, eventually seizing Monkey Point and two of its four 18 Pounder Artillery guns. The other two guns had been swiftly evacuated to the Examination Battery on Dry Tree Point, along the Rangoon River, where they would continue firing upon the city as the British forces evacuated to Syriam.
The Burmese Declaration of Independence[]
An artistic depiction of the ceremony in the Government House
On the 4th of January, 1925, in the Western Calendar, the Burmese Declaration of Independence was formally issued. A draft of it had been circulating around the nationalist movement ever since mid-October the previous year and many of Burma's foremost intellectuals and artists had lent their wisdom and creativity to forge the document which would come to define the reborn nation. A large, impromptu ceremony was held within the Government House in Rangoon, wherein several prominent politicians such as Chit Hlaing and U Ba Pe, alongside several militia captains and revolutionary demagogues took to the stage in turn, each describing their hopes and dreams for the Burmese nation, as vast banners were unfurled from the nearby balconies. The new flag of Burma, similarly to the Declaration of Independence, had already been drafted in the months prior. Three coloured stripes of Yellow, Green and Red, which held historical, cultural and religious significance, accompanied by the symbol of a Peacock. The Peacock had been a long standing symbol of the Konbaung Dynasty, it had been used by Pro-Konbaung rebels during the British Pacification of Burma in the 1890s and then later on it was adapted by more modern Burmese nationalists as a general symbol for their people.
An early copy of the Burmese Declaration of Independence, barring signatures.
Finally, the full text of the declaration was read out by Chit Hlaing, beginning by stating that "In the Burmese year of 1286, on Sunday, January 4th, 1925, with the grace and blessings of the 10th Lunar Month, our country of Burma became a free and sovereign republic". The rest of the declaration was interspersed with various statements praising the solidarity and zeal of the Burmese people, and the condemning the era of British Imperialism, such as noting how
| “ | The Burmese national spirit remained uncorrupted by the darkness of those years. The struggle against the aggressor continued in one form or another as opportunity allowed or weapons were available, while British greed and tyranny kept the fire in every Burmese heart raging. | ” |
It also declared that:
| “ | The Burmese, therefore, by this solemn declaration now made in their name and in accordance with their national will, publicly proclaim that from this day forever Burma is a fully independent and sovereign state. Burma also declares herself to be a brother in arms to the government of Free India. She enters into this free and equal partnership so that by the united resources, will and work of Asia, a whole new political order and economy may be established as a part of a world order which will ensure peace, justice and prosperity to all peoples. | ” |
The oath of solidarity with India became the most controversial element of the declaration, and Nationalist Party politicians had previously denounced how Indian advisors had "forcefully" inserted it into the text. Despite these complaints however, xenophobes such as U Ba Pe and Tharrawaddy U Pu nevertheless signed their names to the declaration. At the moment its conclusion was read, the chamber was said to have erupted into cheers, marking what was perhaps the peak of Hindu-Burman solidarity, which unfortunately could only decline from henceforth.
Securing Peace in Rangoon[]
Following the British Indian Army's retreat, armed "Citizens' Committees" consisting of White and Eurasian "Anglo-Burmese" residents began to form within Rangoon, intent on resisting what many of them feared would be a tidal wave of racialised hatred from the rebelling native population. Any such violence was thankfully stopped early, following initial clashes between the more militant wing of the Citizens' Committees and the Ye Tat, calmer voices began to urge for peace. The Liberation of Rangoon would not be a victor's justice, declared Chit Hlaing. Eventually negotiations were arranged by Richard Rushall, a local British shipping tycoon who had been elected "Honorary Magistrate" of Rangoon after the City of Rangoon Municipal Act of August 1922. Municipal politics in the city were at the dominated by oligarchical bodies such as the Board of Trade and the Rangoon Corporation, with the closest to a "mayoral" figure being Charles Morgan Webb, Chairman of the Rangoon Development Trust. Webb had departed the city in tow with the British army, leaving Rushall as the only man left with any modicum of authority invested in him by the old colonial government. Rushall was joined at the negotiating table by the Anglo-Jewish businessman David Sophaer and the Eurasian judge Charles Haswell Campagnac, speaking directly on behalf of the "British" citizenry in Rangoon and as history would show, more symbolically on behalf of the entire Anglo-Burmese community in the country. On the Burmese side sat Chit Hlaing and provisional vice-president U May Oung, as well as U Maung Gyee and Smith Dun, the closest the Burmese forces had to formal military commanders at this point. The talks proceeded smoothy, with Rushall's side agreeing to the eventual disarmament of the Citizens' Committees, on the condition that no harm would be done to Anglo-Burmese lives or property. Chit Hlaing made his position clear that in the wake of Burmese independence, which was now looking more and more like a reality and not just fanciful words written on a piece of paper, the nation would have to pursue economic independence. This meant the inevitable expropriation of British-owned property. The President was keenly aware however that an immediate nationalisation of Burmese industries would be untenable, so he was able to forge common ground with the Anglo-Burmese elites by promising to direct his attention towards property owned or subsidised by the colonial government, as well as that which was run by absentee businessmen in London, keeping his hands off small local corporations and their property. The talks facilitated the possibility of lasting peace between the Anglo-Burmese and the native majority population, though the balance of power was still heavily slanted in favour of the Burmese. Many local leaders, such as David Sophaer, made clear their intentions to depart Burma as swiftly as possible, seeing no future for themselves or their families in the newly independent country. For those who chose to stay, the negotiations in Rangoon help sow the first seeds for the future "Anglo-Burmese Association".
The Mandalay Uprising[]
Following the wave of riots throughout August and September 1924, after the assassination of U Ottama, British troops employed any means necessary to hold onto control in Mandalay. Travel in and out of the city of Mandalay was severely restricted for natives. Anglo-Burmese subjects on the other hand were relocated away from the countryside and the resort towns like Katha, in favour of well-guarded strongholds like Mandalay or May's Town. Unlike Rangoon, there was no nearby armouries in the north beside the weapons held in the local barracks and police stations, which were soon being closely patrolled and guarded to avoid a repeat of the Rangoon "Christmas Raid". The local garrison seemed confident in its ability to keep the peace, but news from Rangoon and Bengal rattled the local officers. Not only had British forces been almost completely pushed out of Assam and into the Chin Hills by the Azad Hind, now the Burmese had risen up and seized the administrative capital of the Province of Burma. Recognizing the danger of being pinned in on all sides, the British strove to maintain a line of communication with the Lieutenant-Governor exiled to Syriam and the Indian viceroy exiled to Bombay. Throughout the spring of 1925, the local garrisons had strict orders from Craddock to stay on the defensive, only carrying out a limited number of reprisals to rebel attacks. The British soldiers fought to keep the railroads and riverways open, a task which proved difficult as Burmese rebels soon began sabotaging the train tracks, damming the rivers, or simply just blowing up the trains and river ferries. News soon reached the Mandalay garrison that local revolts were beginning to break out to the west in the Chin Hills and to the north in the Kachin Hills. This meant forces had to be spread out to quell these new insurgencies, lest the front with Bengal completely collapse. This problem only intensified as local Saophas among the Shan people declared an end to the authoritarian Shan Federation that the British had imposed on them, pledging their banners to Rangoon instead. Sao Maung of Yawngwhe was among the first to take up arms, and he was soon joined by his nephew Shwe Thaik, a Jemadar of the Burma Rifles who defected to the rebels with a cadre of loyal soldiers in the Chin Hills. As the garrisons around Mandalay province itself decreased in number, local villages around the Irrawaddy River, encouraged by news of Rangoon, began to voice their support for the Burmese Republic. Britain responded by fanning out small columns who burnt down villages and farmland as a punitive measure. Villagers swiftly responded by lynching British appointed village headsmen, triggering even stronger reactions from the British. This cycle of vengeance around Mandalay culminated in the murder of two white policemen in April 1925, provoking the garrison chief to act against Craddock's order to stay put and stay cautious, instead choosing to pursue a policy of summary execution for suspected rebels. Whether this was an intentional strategy of tension on part of the Burmese nationalists or simply a natural consequence of the violent struggles in Mandalay remains unknown, but after firing lines and shallow graves began appearing around the city, a vast amount of locals rose up rebellion. Student militias from the recently formed Mandalay College and Ye Tat detachments, led by a number of prominent political figures such as U Razak, mimicked their brethren in Rangoon. Shortly thereafter, an evacuation of Mandalay was ordered, with British forces moving south in an attempt to hold onto the Tharrawaddy region between Mandalay and Rangoon, hoping to isolate the two rebel strongholds from one another and to starve them out.
The Campaign of National Liberation[]
From April 1925 and onwards, the Burmese rebels pursued a policy of "national liberation". Recognizing the futility of assaulting heavily garrisoned cities and military instalments, Provisional President Chit Hlaing and the Tatmadaw's leadership instead sought to rapidly expand into the rural regions of Burma, cooperating with local rebel groups to seize vast swathes of territory. This campaign was painted in explicitly populist terms, hoping to appeal to the peasantry and ethnic minorities in the rural sections of the country, by utilizing the Wunthanu networks and by promising vast reforms of the Thatthameda land tax. While the provisional government won hearts and minds, it soon became apparent that it had massively overpromised what it was capable of achieving in such a short time. Additionally, the Burmese rebels struggled to coordinate with local groups, as factionalism and regionalism intensified. Failed uprisings took place in both northern Tharrawaddy and near Meiktila, as the rebels strove to connect the two forces in Mandalay and Rangoon. After the Tharrawaddy insurrection was put down by the British, a number of fleeing soldiers flocked to the banner of "Yar Kyaw", an esoteric demagogue who had organized a militia he dubbed the "Galon Army". Yar Kyar was a GCBA member who promoted the idea that it was Burma's mythical destiny to throw off the yokes of imperialism, likening the rebels to the mythical bird Garuda, locally known as Galon, and the British to Galon's natural enemy, the Naga. In the years after the Burmese revolt, he would take on the name of "Saya San", commanding a significant following. In the cities of Pegu and Shwebo, local monks attempted to lead somewhat peaceful campaigns of non-cooperation, and encourage native soldiers to defect. While they did not face the same gruesome fate as U Ottama, the British nevertheless came down hard on these rebellious Sangha. The rebels fortunes appeared to be turning sour, but as the months rolled on, it became more and more apparent that the British colonial forces preferred to remain huddled up in their fortresses, massively overstretching themselves in their attempts to maintain order across Burma. Particularly among the ethnic minorities, who would play a key role in bringing the Burmese Revolt to its next step.
The "Ethnic Armed Organisations"[]
As the summer of 1925 went on, unrest continued to spread among the ethnic minorities, with the Chin and Kachin revolts expanding. While many of the political elites and officer corps among the ethnic minorities had backed the British, barring a few notable defections, that had prevented the commoners and local tribes from taking up arms against their oppressors. Several Karen nationalists soon spied the opportunity to fashion a homeland for themselves, out of disparate, rebelling tribes, choosing to resign from being compradors and instead travelling east to join their kinsmen. At the same time the Rakhine of Arakan state, who had never had the same collaborative upper class as the Karen, took up arms as well. With the Arakanese port of Sittwe being Britain's main coastal stronghold to reinforce the Bengal front, this once again threatened to collapse the frontlines with the Azad Hind rebels. A mutiny was launched among Karen officers in May's Town and Arakan, led by Saw Kyar Doe, but it was swiftly intercepted and put down by British troops, with Saw Kyar Doe being transferred to Syriam to stand trial. Other leaders soon took his place however, with mutinies continuing among the different native troops, in some cases even organized across ethnic lines.
The Indian Ceasefire and decline of the conflict[]
Profiling the Burmese Commanders[]
Smith Dun[]
Smith Dun was born on November 11, 1906, in Bassein, Irrawaddy Division, to a Karen peasant family of meager wealth. As a child he was known by the name “Po Yay” meaning “Water”, given to him by his parents for his fondness of long baths, which he’d go by for most of his young life. He attended various Baptist Mission schools near his hometown, dropping out after 8th grade to enlist in the British military’s Burma Rifles, but was recalled home by his father who wished for Po Yay to continue his studies. Po Yay was determined to rejoin the military though, repeating his stunt halfway through 9th grade. Thanks to a few friends connected to the military, he was able to join up in November 1924, at age 18, even though the recruitment season had ended and despite having failed the physicals on account of his height. It was here that Po Yay first took on the English name Smith, and was also given the nickname of “Four Foot”, thanks to his shortness. After months of training he was rapidly deployed to Rangoon in the midst of the growing Burmese revolt, finding himself thrown headfirst into a meat grinder. Smith soon grew alienated from his career minded peers who seemed to care more for promotions than the fact they were being forced to fight their countrymen, and he grew furious at the snide English superiors who paid little mind to the indigenous soldiers’ needs. Smith’s short temper and frequent conflicts eventually saw him put on leave, so in response he helped to organize a mutiny at the Native Infantry Barracks in Rangoon, fleeing across the battlelines with several comrades to join the rebel Burmans. Eager for new recruits with British military experience, a revolutionary commander appointed him as educational officer, what the English had once referred to as a “Jemadar”, and later promoted him to colonel. Smith was then shuffled to the west, frequently relaying messages to his Indian counterparts on the Azad Hind’s Bengal front, as they strove to pin down the English forces at the port of Sittwe, eventually liberating the town in late 1925. Smith was later invited to take part in the Pegu Conference and to negotiate with secessionist Karen groups, helping to reach an amicable agreement with them. His correspondence with Indian leaders paid off when he was invited to attend the liberated and rechristened “Rashtriya Indian Military College” in Dehra Dun, after which he became known as “Smith at Dun'' or “Smith Dun”. Upon completing his military education, Smith Dun was eventually made a commander of the Burmese Tatmadaw during the Siamese-Burmese war.
Sao Shwe Thaik[]
Born October 16th, 1895, into the Shan princely family of Yawnghwe with the native Shan name of Jao Kham Suak, Shwe Thaik grew up in a life of luxury, but nevertheless strove to distinguish himself by his own merits and not just from his family name and wealth. He served in the Weltkrieg as a Jemadar for the Burmese Artillery Battalion, seeing combat in Mesopotamia. After returning home, he took up the cause of Burmese nationalism and protecting Shan interests in particular. Shwe Thaik’s political efforts have been subject to some speculation and controversy. While he has long sought to paint himself as being opposed to the British led Shan Federation, and a supporter of the 1920 University Strike, others have pointed out that he was himself appointed a member of the Federation Council by the British, and that his concern for the Burmese students seemed curiously mollified shortly after being given a prestigious military command. Regardless of where his loyalties were in the early 1920s, none can dispute that Shwe Thaik pledged his support for the Burmese Revolt in 1925. Whether this was out of genuine commitment, simple opportunism, or familial loyalty to his uncle Sao Maung who had recently gone into revolt, is a different question. In 1927 he attended the Pegu conference and represented the Shan people as a whole and Yawnghwe in particular, on behalf of Sao Maung who was too old and frail to travel south. A few months later, Shwe Thaik was appointed Sao Maung’s successor. Despite his mother having been a concubine, the young Shan prince’s record of military expertise and diplomatic ingenuity at Pegu made him a perfect choice. Throughout the late 1920s he would go on to found the United Hill People’s Congress as a political party for Shan in the Hluttaw, and would serve in the Siamese-Burmese war of 1929. Age and experience hasn’t necessarily been a benefit to Shwe Thaik however, he is an overworked and exhausted man, having to split his attention between the Tatmadaw, the Hluttaw, and his own princely domain of Yawnghwe.
Bhupendra Kumar Dutta[]
Bhupendra Kumar Dutta was born on October 8th, 1892, in Thakurpur village of Jessore, in colonial Bengal. He has commonly been known as just “Bhupen”. As a youth, he became active in local politics, opposing the partition of Bengal and joining forces with revolutionary bodybuilding groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar, which sought to instill both a healthy living and a sense of national pride in its members. Around this time, Bhupen found himself involved in a number of political intrigues, from the Indo-German conspiracy to Sachindra Nath Sanyal’s Hindustan Republican Army. For some time during his 20s, he ran a hostel that doubled as the hideout for several revolutionary groups, and regularly engaged in armed robberies to secure funds for his organizations. This eventually got him arrested by the British and sentenced with little to no trial, nor any chance at habeas corpus. Bhupen supposedly partook in a hunger strike for almost 80 days in Bilaspur Jail, but still earned no clemency. During his time in prison, he corresponded with several fellow nationalists, but after the Indian Revolt began these letters were censored. In 1920 he partook in an attempted jailbreak led by other imprisoned freedom fighters, but his weakened state after the hunger strike led him to be recaptured days after. Deported to the province of Burma, he was interned at Mandalay Jail, but a few years later found himself caught up in another jailbreak. After escaping recapture, he enlisted in the Burmese Revolt with several friends in the Bengali exile community, becoming known as one of the most famous Indian volunteers to serve the cause of Burmese liberty. It was no surprise that Bhupen would remain in the nascent Burmese Republic as a military and political advisor, but as anti Indian sentiments grew, culminating in the election of President U Ba Pe, he was eventually sent home to Bengal again. He has since then remained active with the Hindustan Republican Army and several Bengali nationalist groups, at times flirting with Subhaschandra Bose’s political clique, but never outright joining it.