- The information in this article is part of an upcoming rework, and may not be reflected in other articles.
The 1932 Parliamentary Crisis was a major political crisis in the Union of Britain. The crisis stemmed from a political conflict between incumbent Chairman Tom Mann and the Provincial Parliament, the upper house of the Federal Congress. The Mann Ministry had found its attempts to reorganise the system of local government blocked by obstructionist elements in the upper chamber, which the government lacked a majority in, ultimately resulting in the forced dissolution of the parliament to break the political impasse.
A deeply controversial affair in British politics, the Crisis is considered one of the major tumults that ultimately toppled the first Mann Ministry and ushered in the second phase of British syndicalism with the establishment of new political factions and the Council Assembly. Critics of the move argued that the Executive Committee's decision to dissolve the parliament without the unanimous consent of its members, was dictatorial. In opposition, supporters of the government have contended that the administration had no other means of breaking the deadlock that had been brought about by openly hostile parliamentarians who sought to upend the system. The crisis and the ensuing intelligence leak that followed are considered the catalysts for bringing an end to the First Mann Ministry and forcing his government to reorganise at the start of 1933.
Background[]
The Provincial Parliament's origins lie within incomplete proposals for a 'Assembly of the People' first discussed in the early government sessions of the civil-war era Union of Britain. Provisional Home Secretary, John Clynes, had been charged with the drafting of proposals for what a provisional (and later permanent) legislative assembly would be for the new government. Clynes and his assistants had floated proposals for a parliamentary-style assembly of elected delegates modeled after a fusion of the Westminster system and more conventional European-style assemblies. However, these were unpopular with the syndicalists in the coalition who felt this would neglect the role of the Trade Unions Congress, a commentary Clynes himself agreed with. Ultimately the plans were disregarded and largely lost to history due to a lack of record keeping at the time.
Westminster Central Hall - Seat of the Provincial Parliament
The Provincial Parliament itself was formulated in 1926 during constitutional debates. While often liked to the 'Great Compromise' of France, academics have largely rejected this label and argued that the creation of a 'parliamentary upper chamber' was considered necessary from the beginning of the convention. While hostility and opposition did arise to the proposal, with calls for a unicameral system of TUC rule arising among hardline syndicalists. Nevertheless, the 'hybrid unionism' proposal of a TUC-lower house and parliamentary-upper house was widely popular among the delegates and passed with a comfortable majority of support. During this early period, the Provincial Parliament was largely anticipated to serve less in the traditional sense of parliament but rather as a forum for local concerns and to scrutinise policies on their regional merits. Chairman Cook was a vocal support of the parliament, arguing there was no contradiction in the anti-parliamentarian nature of syndicalism and 'the united voice of citizenry being heard' through a democratic forum.
During its brief history, the Provincial Parliament quickly became a bastion for the more liberal-minded opposition in the ILP and Liberal Party. In its first election, Labour-backed candidates were able to win only a thin plurality and forced to lean heavily on their coalition with the ILP to make up a majority. The Liberals and a smattering of different independents largely composed the rest of the parliament's membership but this period was marked by a 'political honeymoon' in which cooperation was valued and discord was little. This would not last however, with more partisan voting patterns becoming common and the Snowdenite members of the ILP often at times opting to vote with their Liberal counterparts against the government. While the Parliament proved a thorn in the side of the government on many occasions, it largely proved workable and the legislative process remained healthy.
The 1931 election proved a cataclysmic upturn in the makeup of the Provincial Parliament with the ILP and Liberals making major gains as Labour backed candidates lost support. The election also marked the first showing of the new parties in the PRP and the NDP with Mosley's PRP winning only a few seats (as he had opted to focus on the TUC) and the NDP scoring a small but respectable number of representatives. This new parliament now functioned under an effective ILP-Liberal coalition, with the two parties combined controlling a small majority, and relying on the NDP as a potential swing vote. Academics have contended that this major shift occurred due to the differing parties opting to focus on consolidating in one chamber at the expense of the other and a dissimilarity in the voting patterns for each chamber. Labour had opted to focus its efforts on securing union votes in the TUC, of which working-class Labour voters tended to focus their democratic efforts on; in contrast the Provincial Parliament had found growing interest among the rising 'middle class', white collar workers and those disenfranchised rightists that were less engaged in TUC democracy and more attracted to the opposition parties.
The Crisis Unfolds[]
Philip Snowden - Leader of the independent Labour Party - C. 1932
Controversial Reforms[]
The origins of the crisis can be found in 1931, as during his political campaign, Mann had pledged against 'undermining the political system' owing to fears he would seek to introduce unicameral rule. This was not entirely without merit, as Mann was one of the more notable opponents of the parliament's creation, but in a bid to win the moderates, he had pledged not to interfere. Nevertheless, the ascent of 'hard-line' syndicalists into Whitehall spooked Philip Snowden and the increasingly moderate ILP. Snowden and Mann personally liked each other, but Snowden felt that Mann would be 'pushed around' by ambitious and younger politicos in the cabinet such as Harry Pollitt or the loathed Oswald Mosley. To this end, Snowden began secret talks with the Liberals to coordinate on matters of 'joint policy' and the obstruction of government bills when necessary. The Liberals reluctantly agreed.
Herbert Samuel - Leader of the Liberals - C. 1932
Despite his pledge, in August of 1931, Mann fired a returning salvo in the increasing tensions with the Parliament after multiple reform projects had been scuppered in the upper chamber. Snowden and is Liberal allies had become more adversarial following the sacking of Jimmy Thomas and his replacement with Oswald Mosley with no other Snowdenites appointed to the cabinet to make up the shortfall. Increasingly marginalised - Deputy Chair Clynes had began to align more with mainstream Labour - Snowden now became more proactive in blocking the syndicalist agenda. In response, the Executive Committee sought to pass the Representation of the People Act 1931 which would redraw constituencies in the TUC and Provincial Parliament while also removing the ability of the latter chamber to propose its own legislation. A brief political spat ensued in which Snowden and Samuel threatened to sink the bill but public opinion sided with Mann and the government. In an attempt to settle the matter, the Executive Committee petitioned the Supreme Court on whether or not one chamber of the Federal Congress had the ability to unilaterally impose rules on the other, arguing the TUC held more broader powers over the Parliament. President of the Supreme Court, Charles Cripps SC, decisively ruled that neither chamber had the ability to pass laws to the effect of the other without its expressed consent.
This marked a major defeat for the government and killed off the possibility of it being able to interfere with the Provincial Parliament's affairs unilaterally but it nevertheless attempted to pass the proposed bill. After passing the TUC with little opposition outside of the small Liberal faction and some dissident members of the ILP, it entered the Provincial Parliament where it was ultimately defeated. The government had now suffered its first major defeat with the Opposition shielded by the courts. Further obstruction would follow but became more unpredictable, with the ILP undergoing a chaotic, internal metamorphosis and the NDP holding no firm loyalties to either side. Elsewhere, the Liberals were rocked by a growing political scandal when high profile members of the party's right-wing 'Constitutionalist' faction were implicated in the McKenna Scandal. It had been discovered that the de facto Constitutionalist leader - Abraham England - and other members had been involved in secret contact with the merchant banker and exile, Reginald McKenna. England attempted to claim that this was purely for 'business' reasons and that he was attempting to open further trade opportunities for Britain. The Liberal leadership were blindsided by this development and attempted to fend off suspicion by publicly chastising England, to little avail. Ultimately England and a group of his comrades went into exile as opposed to facing trial for sedition or potentially treason in a further degree of damage to the Liberals. With respected members of the Opposition and the legislative process now with their loyalties in doubt, a wave of paranoia overcame the nation with Minister for Works, Oswald Mosley, publicly condemning the Liberals and calling for them to submit to a CIC audit. Deputy Chair Clynes was forced to produce a special report by the Central Intelligence Committee into the present security of the nation. Clynes judged that: "while currently we can ascertain the threat of a military insurgency remains tolerable, it has to be said that this government cannot be certain that there is no conspiracy among our enemies to begin the gradual infiltration of the state."
Going into 1932, the two sides were rapidly reaching an impasse with the syndicalist-dominated TUC having little sympathy for the opposition-controlled Parliament and vice-versa. Government loyalists such as Harry Pollitt and Mosley fervently attacked the Parliamentarians and verged on calling for its dissolution. Even syndicalist opponents of Mann, such as Sylvia Pankhurst, condemned the Parliament and attacked Snowden in the TUC for the 'petty obstaclisation' of politics with moderate members of Labour likewise attacking Snowden's 'childish antics'. To their critics, Snowden and Samuel shot back that a government that lacked the confidence of the Federal Congress as a whole, had no mandate to rule. Legally speaking, a vote of no confidence could not emerge from the Parliament, nor could it vote on such a matter, but Samuel had privately voiced a vote could theoretically be forced 'frustrating the levers of government to a halt'. Moving forward, Snowden and Samuel began to solidify their cooperation, officially announcing the formation of a 'Lib-Lab Pact' on the 3rd of February. This was somewhat akin to prior pacts, with the the two parties opting to cooperate in by-elections (and subsequent elections) while also pledging to jointly sponsor legislation. Theoretically this was a largely minor development and simply codified prior cooperation but the move nevertheless spooked the government.
Open Hostilities[]
Harold Macmillan - Leader of the New Democratic Party - C. 1932
Despite previous bickering and political jostling, the crisis firmly began on the 6th of April when the government announced two landmark and controversial bills: the Representation of the People (Amended) Act 1932 and the Local Government Act 1932. The former bill sought to once again redraw the national legislative constituencies (though without the threat of defanging the Parliament attached) while its sister bill sought to reorganise the federal system to grant additional - albeit mostly minor - powers to the regions but also radically, and controversially, altering the framework of sub-regional local governance relating to that of local authorities and the other lowest levels of democratic involvement. The government argued both bills were necessary and part of a manifesto commitment to 'restore public confidence in the federal system' via undertaking major reforms though internal support within Labour was mixed at the best of times.
At the time, the system of local governance in Britain had been reformed by the Local Government Act 1927 which built upon the previous Local Government Act 1888 and Local Government Act 1894. While heavy reforms had been carried out to the system of local governance, it maintained a two-tier system at the lowest level with a separation between Provincial Boroughs and District Boroughs. Mann and his inner circle were critical of the current setup, believing it propagated a still byzantine and inefficient system. Home Office Under-Secretary, George Hardy, had openly accused local councils of being "opaque, poorly-run and filled with canny eccentrics and anti-socialist cranks" just prior to the election. To resolve this issue, Mann had proposed reviving the alternative 1927 plans of establishing a system of single-tier "Unitary Provinces" across the nation. The increased centralisation would in theory improve on the issue of over-burdened local services and make local government more efficient. All three parties of the opposition quickly attacked the bill on the grounds weakening local democracy and "putting power into local political machines." To the opposition, any reforms to the local level was a direct threat against their political clout, as they were usually their most strongest in the local governments. Fears of these new Provinces being stacked with Labour-affiliated cronies and other lackeys was not without good reason as fears of gerrymandering abounded.
Both bills passed the TUC (albeit with much debate, particularly relating to the latter) and entered into the Provincial Parliament on the 4th May. As expected, though despite government efforts, the Local Government Act was swiftly defeated by the combined efforts of the opposition and renegade members of the Labour Party who disagreed with its edicts. However, the Representation of the People Act proved far more contentious and provoked a major split in the opposition. Percy Harris, the Liberal leader in the Provincial Parliament, was supportive of the bill and saw no reason to oppose it as the contentious terms had been dropped. On the contrary, Samuel had allied himself with Snowden with both men wishing to block it on principle and force the government into negotiation. Harris and a growing number of Liberal dissenters were quickly joined by a number of ILP rebels who felt Snowden was now acting recklessly and with a petty temperament. The last remaining ILP member of the cabinet, Deputy Chair Clynes, contacted Snowden and warned him to halt course though Snowden refused, instead calling on Clynes to lobby Mann into backing down. Mosley once again made a name for himself, publicly calling the Provincial Parliament a "hotbed of reaction" and on the floor of the TUC called upon Snowden and Samuel to confirm their loyalty to the Union. Snowden spoke for Samuel (who was unable to be present) and accused Mosley of being a 'lame bureaucrat' seeking personal glory.
Come the vote, both sides were in disarray with Labour activists bitterly confident they would be defeated and now preparing to weaponise the publicity. On the other benches, the ILP and Liberals were rapidly dealing with their own impending rebellion and it remained unsure if they could actually block the bill. Come the vote in mid-May, the government were narrowly defeated by a mixture of the Lib-Lab Pact members, independents and Labour rebels who risked losing their seats and opposed the bill on these grounds. While the ILP and Liberals had won, the government had still secured a victory in cracking the opposition: Clynes and a contingent of ILP defectors joined Labour proper - known colloquially as the '32ers - depriving the ILP of its only seat in the cabinet and forcing the opposition into dealing with an internal rebellion. But most curiously, the NDP had swung to the government's side with Macmillan proving a vocal critic of the 'reckless partisan gallivanting' of the opposition in the coming weeks ahead. On the suggestion of Clynes, Macmillan was approached about his political future and secret talks to have the NDP affiliate to the Labour Party began.
Macmillan had formerly sat as a Tory in the Westminster Parliament but was the sole Conservative MP to be arrested on the floor of the House for sedition when he spoke in favour of the strikers and the Labour Party. A political radical and on the left of the Conservatives, his politics aligned more with Keynesianism and corporatism than protectionism and tariffs. Finding a place in the new political landscape as a moderate centrist republican, his New Democratic Party had been a successful latecomer to the political stage and had carved out a small but respectable number of representatives in the Federal Congress and below. Nevertheless, Macmillan heavily aligned with Labour on many policies and he himself considered his growing interest in corporatism as not at odds with the incumbent syndicalist economic system. Talks began in mid-May, and headed by Clynes who felt that, despite Macmillan's interest, Mann's reluctance at allowing a 'red Tory' into the party could scupper the talks. Mann respected Macmillan but felt that allowing the NDP to affiliate to Labour could upset more radical members and dilute the radical nature of the labour movement.
On the 17th June, Macmillan and Clynes finally reached terms agreeable to both parties with a provisional agreement being signed that on the 1st of July the affiliation would be publicly announced. Macmillan and all members of the NDP would become Labour Party members and move to take the Labour Party whip in the Federal Congress. Clynes informed Mann, who had to gain the consent of the National Executive Committee though this was largely regarded as a rubber-stamping procedure and Mann expected no real opposition though the Chair of the NEC, George Lathan, objected to the proposal and following an inconclusive vote, the NEC was adjourned. In the following days, the Daily Herald received leaked minutes of the meeting and publicised them under a critical article. Macmillan was accused of being a 'radish' - red on the outside but white on the inside - and an internal outrage engulfed Labour. Syndicalist politician, George Hicks, publicly condemned the 'welcoming with open arms of Red Tories' and Sylvia Pankhurst threatened a vote of no confidence in Mann's leadership should he attempt to force through the motion. With Labour engulfed in turmoil, Mann had to hastily redraw the motion with Macmillan only learning this through the evening papers. Infuriated at the betrayal, Macmillan became critical of the government and started to draw closer to the opposition and in early July agreed to talks with Snowden. The hostility Labour presented only served to inflame members of the opposition, particularly after an interview in which George Hardy 'could not rule out any possibility' in handling the present state of affairs. Mosley and Pollitt began to publicly rally against the parliament and warned that if it did not cooperate then it would have no place in British politics, foreshadowing its eventual disbanding later in the year.
A UDC Pamphlet
Snowden's Deadlock[]
On the 30th July, after extensive discussions with various members of the Federal Congress, Philip Snowden announced the formation of a second Union of Democratic Control as a successor to the first. It's predecessor had been formed as a parliamentary pressure group during the Great War to scrutinise the war effort and empower parliament in the matter of foreign affairs, away from 'secret treaties' but had been disbanded in 1922 amid growing political pressure and polarisation. The Second Union of Democratic Control (2nd UDC as it was styled) held similar aims as a legislative bloc that would empower 'democratic forces within the TUC and parliament' and pressure the government into following the legislature's will. To its critics, the UDC was the formalisation of the growing obstructionist power bloc in the Parliament. Indeed, its first membership comprised of all ILP and Liberal delegates with some independents. The NDP formally joined, a week later. Snowden had purposefully timed the announcement for the 30th, knowing that it would have the greatest impact in the Sunday papers. Particularly the UDC's commitment to 'the blocking of undemocratic forces' as a direct shot at the government. Snowden had fired his opening salvo in the new conflict.
The government was deeply concerned at this development and attempted to negotiate with individual members of the UDC but found their efforts largely unsuccessful. While the legislative process had remained semi-functional throughout August, it finally came to a halt on the 1st September when members of the opposition stopped a routine bill part of ongoing postal reforms. Samuel contested on the floor that the UDC had pledged itself to 'returning democratic control to the Federal Congress' and with no means of securing a vote of confidence, it had to pursue alternative means. Moving forward, all legislation would appear to be blocked and with both houses able to simply outvote the other, the Federal Congress had deadlocked. Pollitt and Mosley now became unlikely comrades and some of the most hawkish spokesmen for the government with Pollitt warning that the stalling of the legislative process would invoke "terrible consequences." Mosley publicly threatened that if "the parties of the right cannot be trusted to abide by our system of governance then they shall have no place in our society."
When a second bill was defeated in the Parliament, it was now all but confirmed. The UDC would not agree to lift its obstruction unless a vote of confidence was called - and implicitly be permitted to vote on it. These terms were unacceptable to the government and in an attempt to break the impasse, Mann appeared on the BBC for a party political broadcast. During the broadcast, Mann admitted that "all options were presently on the table" and in a final plea to the nation, declared that "this is no longer about a petty war of words in the Congress. This is now the Parliament versus the People." Mann's populistic rallying was quickly attacked by the opposition who condemned him for framing it in such a manner though his rhetoric garnered both support and criticism across Labour. Critics agreed with the opposition and were fearful of his populistic tone while supporters contended that the Parliament was now actively blocking all legislation and forcing a legislative shutdown. Internally, the Executive Committee was fraught with disunity owing to Mann's statements and how exactly it should proceed. Hardliner syndicalists such as Pollitt and Oswald Mosley wished to crush the Parliament and make an example of the opposition, whereas moderates such as Clynes and William Jowitt - while lacking in sympathy for Snowden - nevertheless wished to solve the ordeal more amenably. No decision was reached the Congress remained locked.
Just over a week later on the 8th September, Mann reconvened the Executive Committee and tendered a new hypothetical possibility: the calling of a general strike. Mann had proposed that he would make a public plea to the nation to engage in a general strike and bring the entire country to a halt. This plan was extreme and also opened many legal questions with the possibility of being both immensely destructive for the economy and the democratic process. Mann himself had not formulated what his exact end goal would be but Pollitt and Rajani Palme Dutt speculated three eventual scenarios and presented them to the committee:
- With the nation grinding to a halt, this would force the Members of Parliament to eventually concede and capitulate to the TUC to avert economic carnage.
- The TUC would be hypothetically de facto prorogued as all its members would be participating in strike action, effectively preventing the Federal Congress from functioning.
- Akin to the second outcome, but instead with the TUC prorogued this would allow the government to pass legislation without a legislative mandate.
Jams Maxton - the outgoing Education Secretary
All three options were deeply unpopular and threatened to destroy the economy unless the Parliamentarians swiftly surrendered. William Jowitt and Patrick Hastings both threatened to resign from the government if Mann were to proceed, citing the legal implications of the TUC going on a general strike was simply too phenomenal and potentially illegal according to its new status as the national legislature. Margaret Bondfield likewise threatened to resign if she was given the order to tell the trade unions to strike. By the end of the week, nearly half the cabinet had threatened to resign in protest as a part of the joint 'Jowitt Memorandum' which warned against "an action of such immense self-mutilation purely to entertain the unknown." Among his few supporters, Mosley was a reluctant proponent of the idea but moreso out of his wish to publicly appear loyal to Mann and crush the loathed Parliament. He warned the TUC that "all options had to be considered" even if they were to be like a "sickly but necessary medicine." While Mann had privately informed the Committee that he would not proceed with the matter going forward, on a radio interview when he asked what he would do to break the deadlock he respond that "no options had been left out" causing the Education Secretary, James Maxton, to resign his post on the 14th September. Mann had to swiftly and publicly promise he would not call a general strike.
Charles Trevelyan, the incumbent Under-Secretary for Education was quickly sworn in as Maxton's successor for two reasons: he had prior experience in the role in the MacDonald cabinet and as a concession to the moderates while not being too alienating to the radicals of the party. To further mollify the latter, GCT Giles was appointed the new Under-Secretary and allowed by both Mann and Trevelyan to begin investigation into school reforms. Unfortunately for the pair, any work would have to wait for the Opposition showed no sign of lifting the deadlock and now were only further emboldened by the cabinet rebellion of Mann's government. A marathon meeting of the Executive Committee continued for some days in a bid to break the deadlock. It was only on the the 20th September that a new solution was finally found following its proposal by Harry Pollitt: declare a state of emergency.
The Emergency Act[]
Theoretically speaking, per the powers of the Emergency Powers Act 1920, the 'sovereign' could issue a proclamation declaring a state of emergency and rule with extraordinary powers. The Act had been used extensively by the Conservative Government to suppress strikes and political discontent in the early 1920s before its most infamous use during the onset of the Civil War. The use of the act was immensely controversial within the government - while Snowden's sympathy had rapidly dropped, the use of emergency powers was seen as too hard-line solution with William Jowitt threatening to resign as he did not feel that it could be legally used to dissolve the Provincial Parliament. Mann was now faced with another impending crisis: while more of his cabinet were supportive, his actions could be illegal and rain down the ire of the Supreme Court on his administration.
To drum up public support, the government made an official announcement on the 22nd September, formally deciding it would declare a state of emergency if the deadlock was not broken. Reaction among the Federal Congress and the public was sharply contrasted: the Congress' reaction was heavily mixed with even Labour loyalists being unsure of the proposal. But in contrast, the public was broadly supportive, believing that Snowden and the UDC were now 'holding the country to ransom'. Mann's campaign to rally the masses appeared to be working though the UDC were quick to shoot back. In a series of public rallies that drew large crowds, Snowden and Samuel both attacked the government for now 'bending into naked tyranny' and called upon the Labour Party to oust Mann with Snowden personally calling for the party to: "reject this utter madness." This was not the only measure the UDC were taking however; on the 30 September, ILP MP James Lovat-Fraser, announced that UDC intended to challenge the State of Emergency as illegal in the courts. In the second legal battle of the crisis, an injunction against the proclamation was secured and the case went before the Supreme Court yet again.
The UDC fought the case on the basis that the government could not invoke the Emergency Powers Act 1920 as it had been de facto 'wiped from the slate' during the Constitutional Convention and that, as such, the government could not legally pursue the implementation of emergency powers from a law that had since been repealed. Various other laws that had been repealed during the rewriting of the legal code were cited, such as the decriminalisation of homosexuality. On the contrary, Attorney-General William Jowitt argued that the law remained on the statute books: the Union of Britain was not a new entity but the legal successor to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The Constitutional Convention had at no point 'wiped the slate' and many pre-Republic laws remained extant, the Emergency Powers being among them. After a week of deliberation, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the government: the Emergency Powers Act was law and the UDC had suffered a major defeat.
However, the battle was not over and the UDC secured a second injunction. In the second Supreme Court case of October, they now challenged the government on a new attack line: the Executive Committee could not declare a state of emergency via proclamation as it was not Sovereign. Rather the Federal Congress was Sovereign, via the parliamentary tradition of Britain, and would have to approve any state of emergency for the proclamation to be valid. The government attempted to oppose this argument or else the deadlock continue - if the government required both chambers of the Congress to declare an emergency, the UDC would simply veto it. Following the opening proceedings, Snowden once again reiterated his terms that the Mann government submit to a vote of no confidence of both houses. Mann was certain that he would lose the vote but Snowden's demands simply undermined his support further among both the Labour Party and the public who now regarded him as a dangerous eccentric seeking to undermine the legislature for personal gain.
After nearly two weeks of deliberation, on the 25th October Court President Cripps SC once again passed down judgement and declared that the Court had come to the conclusion that the UDC were incorrect. The Federal Congress as a whole was not Sovereign but nor was the Chairman or the Executive Committee. Rather the TUC in its capacity as the lower chamber of the Congress was Sovereign and held the power to issue a proclamation of an emergency if it could be justified within the boundaries of the Act. This was a major defeat for the UDC who had now exhausted their legal avenues and had no means of censuring the government. Any state of emergency now rested in the hands of the TUC.
Days later, Mann made another public announcement via radio in which he declared that the government would - within the boundaries of its legal powers - seek to declare a state of emergency to finally break the impasse. After reiterating his commitment to the people of Great Britain, he gave explicit instructions on how to issue a recall vote in TUC members should the electorate be dissatisfied with their representatives. This last announcement caused uproar among sections of the TUC and was quickly propagandised by the UDC: both accused Mann of now engaging in populist rhetoric and in lacking a mandate, being forced to undermine democratic representatives. Mann and his supporters contended they were simply reminding the public how to use a democratic right that was enshrined in the law. Popular sentiment remained on Mann's side but supporters of the Parliament began to organise major protests and civil unrest in anticipation of the state of emergency being declared with numerous arrests made. Pollitt and Mosley publicly campaigned in support of the proposal, with Mosley appearing in multiple press interviews to calmly articulate that it was simply a matter of routine legal procedure. With a cold complexion he would explain that as the parliament sought to frustrate the will of the people, then the Executive Committee simply had no choice but to remove Parliament from the equation. The young minister soon gained a reputation as an extreme hardliner and became informally known as the "hammer" to Mann's anvil.
On October 31st, the TUC was convened for a special vote issued by the government to declare a state of emergency to finally break the deadlock. The proclamation issued by Chairman Mann read as follows:
| “ | By the Emergency Powers Act 1920, it is enacted that as it appears to Us that any action has been taken or is immediately threatened by any persons or body of persons of such a nature and on so extensive a scale as to be calculated, by interfering with the supply and distribution of food, water, fuel, or light, or with the means of locomotion, to deprive the community or any substantial portion of the community, of the essentials of life, We may, by Proclamation, declare that a state of emergency exists: And whereas the present immediate threat of the deadlock of the legislative process does, in Our opinion, constitute a state of emergency within the meaning of the said Act: Now, therefore, in pursuance of the said Act, We do, by and operating under the assurances of the Supreme Court, hereby declare that a state of emergency exists. Given at Our Court at Albert Hall, the Trade Unions Congress, this Thirty-First day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and thirty-two, and in the Second year of Our Reign. | ” |
Armoured Car, London, C. 1932
Amid outrageous debate, the discussion continued into the early hours of November 1st when the President of the TUC called an emergency vote on the matter. With both the government and the UDC both holding their breath in anticipation of the results it was declared at approximately 4:00 AM on November 1st, the vote had passed 296 Ayes to 183 Noes, all remaining votes were abstentions. The government had, in theory won and Mann officially declared a state of emergency was now in effect and that the Provincial Parliament was prorogued. As such Major protests broke out across the country and the army was enabled to aid with regular policing when deemed necessary. This was particularly prominent in London, with armoured cars filling the streets to help quell civil discontent. In protest, the UDC attempted to secure an injunction against the matter but this was now too late. The TUC was to meet in five days to decide the Parliament's fate.
On November 5th, the government introduced the Provincial Reform Act 1932, which would move to formally abolish the Provincial Parliament and temporarily transfer Britain to unicameral rule by the TUC. As a compromise, the regional Chairs would then hold a secondary vote to ratify the bill into law but this was widely considered a meaningless procedure with even the government considering it simply a stopgap until a second chamber could be established. A three-line whip was instated on the government though it was ultimately, not enforced as multiple members such as William Jowitt voted against the bill with no repercussion. Ultimately, the bill was passed with 327 Ayes, 225 Noes and 35 Abstentions. In response, Home Secretary Tawney and Margaret Bondfield submitted their resignations on the floor of the chamber and moved to sit with the non-government Labour benches as the house erupted into both jubilation and outrageous uproar.
Elsewhere in London, members of the Provincial Parliament illegally convened at Westminster Central Hall to hold a vote of no confidence in the government. No Labour members attended - Mann was aware of the stunt but decided not to engage with it - with only the UDC, 2 members of the SNP and 2 Independents attending. Of 311 Parliamentarians present, 308 voted No against the government, with only 4 votes in favour. ILP member, Holford Knight, declared that the government had now lost the mandate of the people and a riot erupted in the Chamber. Despite his refusal to send Labour delegates to the vote, George Hardy - the Undersecretary for the Home Office - had been sent to inform the custodians of the chamber that the Provincial Parliament was now formally abolished. Hardy - who had been unknowingly promoted to the Home Office - attempted to enter the chamber and quell the riot but found the doors locked. After informing the custodians to clear the building and lock the doors, members of the parliament rioted in the halls and Hardy was forced to escape via a backdoor lest he be a victim of their wrath. With the news quickly being published in the London Gazette - protests erupted at Hyde Park by ILP and Liberal supporters who demanded the Parliament be reinstated.
In the TUC, the situation was tense with supporters and opponents of the bill taking sides on opposite ends of the chamber. With opponents demanding a recount and calling tyrant, Mann's supporters began to spontaneously sing the Red Flag to drown out the opposition. In turn, those who voted against the bill began singing La Marseillaise in a battle of who had the loudest singing voice. This raged on for some 5 minutes before Snowden attempted to silence the chamber. Taking to the stand, he began to lambast the government for its "nakedly treasonous conduct" and called for armed insurrection to restore democracy. The President of the TUC, John Bromley, attempted to block Snowden from speaking and warned that he would be censured. According to Clynes, Snowden - already angered by the events - reacted by shouting "For God's sake man!" and violently shoved Bromley out of his way. Bromley fell off the stage and broke his collar-bone with Snowden quickly rushing to his aid. An unknown member of the Labour benches shouted "Murderer!" and according to Clynes, a riot erupted in the chamber with members "acting like mischievous school children."
Amid the rioting, Snowden and some of the less excitable members of the TUC had helped move Bromley to safer quarters before he was taken to the University College Hospital. Despite pleas by his comrades, Snowden was arrested by the police for seditious incitement and assault, ending the night being led away in handcuffs in a final stumble in his political career. This was heavily reported on in the press after and Snowden's supporters switched to protesting for his release, to no avail. After the rowdiness had calmed down, the Congress members were sent home as the dawn rose on a Britain who's future was uncertain. The Provincial Parliament born out of the conciliatory politics of Cook and Wheatley had been dissolved and by force. Mannite radicalism was the new order the day leaving many to speculate what course his government would take, assuming it would survive the coming months.
Aftermath[]
Anti-government protest - C. 1932
The Days Ahead[]
The crisis officially came to an end on November 7th when Mann summoned the TUC to issue a proclamation repealing the state of emergency. Thousands of pounds worth of damage had been done to both legislatures in their respective riots and protests around the country had caused untold damage to local infrastructure as ILP and Liberal loyalists vented their outrage at the government. Counter-protestors participated in the throngs of violence and protests continued for some time into November before the police were able to quell the civil discontent. Philip Snowden had been hauled away from the TUC in chains - sparking much anger - with Herbert Samuel being arrested on the 10th November for seditious activities and causing damage to public property. Samuel did not resist arrest and was taken into police custody shortly after. Macmillan was able to survive for some time longer, only being arrested on the 20th November for incitement to mutiny following his appearance at an anti-government rally in the days following the incidents. All three of the major opposition leaders were now in police custody with many of their comrades following them to cells or rapidly attempting to play down their role in the night's carnage and wanton destruction. Both Samuel and Macmillan were released on the 22nd November following a lack of evidence to charge them. Snowden was kept in prison and was due to be trialled for grievous bodily harm following the wounding of Bromley.
Mann was now faced with picking up the pieces after the crisis with parts of his own party in rebellion and the remnants of the opposition still operating within the TUC. Likewise, the embittered members of the Provincial Parliament had now been suddenly deprived of their positions and cast to the wind with their fates and future careers left unknown. Two members of his cabinet, one senior, had resigned and these places had been hastily filled with other members of the cabinet also potentially contemplating resignation. Taking swift action, Mann's primary focus was to reunite the party and repair the damage caused by the debate - notably inviting various factions to come together to discuss proposals for a palatable legislature that would serve to uphold the worker's state rather than undermine it though enthusiasm as this stage was limited with party members still reeling.
Percy Harris became the new leader of the UDC following Snowden and Samuel's internment but the organisation was now politically toothless and only held roughly a third of the TUC. Harris had since grown cautious of invoking the government's ire and at its first post-Emergency Act meeting at the National Liberal Club, he tabled a motion to have have the UDC no longer seek to automatically undermine government policy but instead serve more to scrutinise and object when considered politically expedient. This was narrowly rejected by 30 votes and Harris resigned the Chair. Holford Knight, the MP who had declared the government had lost its mandate was elected the new Chair but he declined the position, leaving the organisation with no de jure leadership until Samuel was released and opted to serve as the provisional Chair. Nevertheless, the rump UDC was unable to exert any real influence and largely faded into irrelevancy with Snowden imprisoned. Samuel focused more on preparing the Liberals for the inevitable repercussions of their opposition rather than attempting to engage in cross-party manoeuvres yet again.
While the UDC itself was presently spared, Clynes came under immense pressure to begin investigating the group's affairs and multiple members were arrested for allegations ranging from criminal damage to sedition. Paranoia of Royalist infiltration began to swell as the cabinet's hawks in Pollitt and Mosley called for no clemency in handling the matter with Mosley becoming an early adherent for outright banning the group and arresting its leaders for treason. Embittered members of the UDC found their loyalties turning elsewhere and according to Clynes' diaries 'Royalist nostalgia' began to set in as members pined for the days of the Westminster parliament, even if it was crowned with a King. While no details were made public, the intelligence community implied that it had intercepted 'seditious communications' of individuals discussing the possibility of a restoration of the monarchy and Westminster as a potential avenue to restore democracy. In his own works, Harris commented that a 'monarchist contingent' had indeed started to form but that this was more-so out of embittered nostalgia than any serious support for a restoration - rather most of the Opposition still favoured democratic republicanism and that the "throne had been poisoned long ago" even if personal sympathies for King George remained.
End of the Multi-Party System[]
In early December, disgruntled civil servants affiliated to the UDC political parties leaked information regarding a drafted 1933 budget for the military and intelligence community as part of the 1932 Intelligence Leak. In the ensuing political scandal that dragged into the new year, three cabinet ministers were dismissed and the First Mann Ministry collapsed. Following a successful vote of confidence restoring his administration, Mann sought to form a new government and was now pressured into bringing the young and ambitious 'Maximist' wing of the party into the government. Following his fiery rhetoric and stalwart revolutionary loyalty, Mosley became a natural choice to succeed the comparatively light-touched and ineffective Clynes to the Deputy Chair. In office, Mosley took a hard-line stance and made it implicitly clear he sought to destroy the ILP and Liberals as a force in politics along with much rallying against a "Royalist conspiracy at the heart of government." The syndicalist faction of Labour and even some moderates agreed that the situation was dire with paranoia gripping the country and new measures needed to be taken.
In the spring of the next year, the Proscribed Organisations Act 1933 was passed, officially banning the Second Union of Democratic Control and its affiliated parties in the Independent Labour Party, the Liberals and the New Democratic Party. Measures had already been taken before hand with much of the ILP membership abandoning the party for Hugh Dalton's fledgling Social Democratic Party or opting to amalgamate into Labour much akin to the '32ers of the prior year. The National Liberal Federation was at this point rapidly unravelling with the party in Wales undergoing two splits in the prior year (the abortive Welsh Liberals and Clement Davies Plaid Ryddfrol Newydd - the latter of which had tacit support of the NLF) and the Scottish Liberals had largely defected to the more acceptable Scottish Progressive Party. The NDP and the rump Liberals nevertheless unravelled in due time, with regional and often local political parties emerging as spiritual successors, the Progressive Party and Municipal Democratic Party of London serving as the successors to the Liberals and NDP in the Capital respectively. Going forward all political activity revolved around the Labour Party with only small regionalist outfits and the token SDP holding open influence in the legislature.